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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 45
CHIPPEWA MUSIC
BY
FRANCES DENSMORE
WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1910
\\ \ 550
1
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology,
Washington, D. C, July 8, 1909. Sir: For the greater part of the last two years Miss Frances Dens- more has been engaged, under the auspices of this Bureau, in making a study of Indian music. The results of her labors are embodied in part in the paper which I have the honor to present herewith — "Chippewa Music." I suggest the publication of this material as Bulletin 45 of the Bureau's series. Yours very respectfully,
(Signed) W. H. Holmes, Chief.
The Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution,
Washington, I). G.
FOREWORD
The purpose of the present work is to determine what constitutes the music of the Chippewa Indians, and to record results in such a manner that they will be available for reference. By means of the phonograph it is possible to obtain an accurate record of Indian song, which, though permanent, is of necessity limited in scope. To the phonograph record and its analysis must therefore be added abundant field notes, giving the results of observations of the musical per- formances, together with descriptions of circumstances and surround- ings. These three — phonograph record, analysis, and field notes — are the necessary data of this branch of research.
The study of Indian music is more than the collection of Indian songs. It includes a consideration of the vocal expression of a mental concept; therefore incorrect repetitions of a song are as significant as correct repetitions. Into their value enters a human element— the personality of the singer. A person of musical gifts and proficiency frequently presents a rendition of a song which contains embellish- ments. These reveal the succession of tones especially pleasing to the native singer. A person of little musical talent presents an im- perfect rendition of a song, yet these imperfections are interesting. They indicate which phase of the song was most difficult for him to acquire and remember, the melody or the rhythm.
The analysis of the Chippewa songs from the land of pine trees, lakes, and hills, in northern Minnesota, shows that in them the descending interval of the minor third occurs with special prominence and fre- quency; that the majority of the songs begin with a downward pro- gression; and that the intervals of melodic progression are smaller in the older songs. A classification of the songs as melodic and har- monic reveals a possibility that the mental concept of the song has a direct bearing on the form assumed by the melody. The songs said to have been composed during dreams may be considered a spon- taneous expression. The majority of these songs are harmonic in structure. The songs whose character and use suggest that their form may have been modified by long repetition are found to be prin- cipally melodic in structure.
The value of any specific work lies in the relation of that work to the problems presented by the subject as a whole. Beyond the study of Indian music lies the larger field of research, the development of music, to which the present work is tributary.
Red Wing, Minn.
v
CONTENTS
List of songs: Page
1 . Arranged in order of serial numbers xr
2. Arranged in order of catalogue numbers x v
General description of songs '
Introduction '
Intonation ^
Rhythm 5
Tone material 7
Structure 8
Tabulated analysis of 180 songs 8
Musical instruments [ 1
The Mide' 13
Beliefs 13
Songs ' 4
Use of medicine 20
Origin -1
Description of diagram representing the path of life 24
Initiation ceremony of the first degree 24
Ceremony for a dying chief 51
Songs for initiation into the sixth degree 55
Ceremonial songs - t>2
Series 1 — analysis - - - 62
Series 2— analysis 66
Series 3 — analysis = 70
Series 4- analysis 74
Songs to insure success - 82
Love-charm songs 88
Songs connected with the cure of the sick 92
Songs connected with rare medicines 96
Additional Mide' songs IOC
Tabulated analysis of 90 Mide/ songs L15
Social songs on White Earth and Leech Lake reservations 118
Ina'bundjigan □ nagurno'win (dream songs) 118
1 . Songs of the doctor ? 119
2. Song of the juggler 123
3. Dream songs afterward used as war songs or otherwise 126
Tabulated analysis 136
Miga'diwin'ina'gunto'win (war songs) 1 37
Tabulated analysis 146
Sa'gii'diwin'ina'gumo'win (love songs) 148
Tabulated analysis 155
Ata/diwin/ina/gumo/win (moccasin-game songs) 1 56
Tabulated analysis 159
Unclassified songs 161
Tabulated analysis 165
VII
VIII CONTENTS
Page
Social songs on Red Lake reservation 16G
Description of the dances, costumes, and celebration on July 4, 6, and 7,
1 908 166
The singers of Red Lake ^ 173
War songs 176
Tabulated analysis 180
I ;Ove songs 182
Tabulated analysis J85
Mo< casin-game songs 186
Tabulated analysis 191
\V< unan's-dance songs 192
Tabulated analysis 196
1 ' nclassified songs 198
Tabulated analysis 206
Index 211
ILLUSTRATIONS
Page Plate 1. Musical instruments, and birch-bark rolls containing mnemonics of
songs 11
2. Musical instruments 11
3. Main'ans 25
4. Wa'wiekum'ig 25
5. MIde' lodge. 36
6. Main'ans as leader of a Mide' ceremony 37
7. The body of Nigan'ibines' 55
8. De'bwawen'diink 55
9. Ge'miwunac' - 95
10. Chippewa doctor treating the sick ' 120
11. Manido'gicigo'kwe 148
12. The Fourth of July at Red Lake agency 168
Figure 1. Mide' writing 16
2. Mide/ song writing - 17
3. Mide/ diagram of the path of life • 24
4. Diagram showing arrangement of Mide'wigan during initiation cere-
mony of first, degree. (Drawn by the elder Main'ans) 39
5. Diagram showing course followed by leader during initiation cere-
mony of first degree 40
6. Diagram showing course followed by candidate, escorted by leader,
in dance at Mlde/ initiation ceremony of first degree 42
7. Birch-bark rolls containing mnemonics of the songs connected with
rare medicines, and used by CKdeni'gun when singing these songs . LOO
8. Bones used by Chippewa doctor in treating the sick 120
IX
LIST OF SONGS 1. Arranged in Order of Serial Numbers
Mide' Som;s
Initiation Songs of the First and Second Degrees
Catalogue no.a
1 . Song of the four bears 189
2. Song of the manido' 238
3. Dancing song 239
4 . Preparatory song 190
5 . " My pan of food " 240
6. "My pipe" 241
7 . Processional 54
8. Introductory song 55
9. Song of the za'gimag' 212
10. Escorting the candidate 237
11 . First initiation song 61
12. Second initiation song 62
13. Third initiation song 63
14. First song of the feast 65
15. Second song of the feast 66
Initiation Songs of the Sixth Degree
16. First song 122
17. Second song 123
18. Third song 124
19. Fourth song 125
20. Fifth song 126
21. Sixth song 127
22. Seventh song 128
23. Eighth song 1 129
24. Ninth song 130
Ceremonial Songs Series 1
Catalogue no.
.. 16
.. 17
.. 18
.. 19
.. 20
Page 63 64 64 64 65
Catalogue
Page 27 30 31 32 31 35 37 39 41 42 45 46 47 49 50
Page 65 65
66 66
66
footnote, p. 27.
XII
LIST OF SONGS
Catalogue no.
. . 26
.. 27
. . 28
.. 29
Series 2
Serial
Catalogw no.
. . 30
.. 31
. . 32
. . 33
Series 3
Series 4
61 . Initiation song 69
62. Initiation song 70
63. Initiation song 254
64. Initiation song 67
Songs to Insure Success
65. Hunting song (a) 56
66. Hunting song (6) 57
67. Hunting song (c) 58
68. Hunting song (d) 59
69. Hunting song (e) 60
70. Song for securing a good supply of maple sugar 64
71 . Love-charm song (a) 73
72. Love-charm song (b) (not transcribed) 74
73. Love-charm song (c) 75
74. Love-charm song (d) 76
75. Love-charm song 52
76. Love-charm song 53
Songs connected with the ( 'ure of the Sick
77 . Healing song 78
78. Healing song 79
79. Healing song 71
80. Healing song 14
Songs connected with Rare Medicines
SI . Song of the flying feather 191
82. Song of the man who succeeded 192
83. Song of a scalp dance 193
84. Song of good medicine 194
85. Song of the crab medicine-bag 195
86. Song of the fire-charm 197
87. Song of starvation 199
88. Song of the owl medicine 200
Page 69 69 70 70
97 98 99 100 102 103 104 105
LIST OF SONGS XIII
Additional M%de.' Songs
Serial no.
Catalogue
Pagi
89. Song of the bear path 236 lOli
90. ''They are making me old " 248 107
91. "To the spirit land" 253 108
92. "I will sing" 255 L09
93. "I am walking" 256 110
94. "There are spirits " (not transcribed) 1 1 1 1
95. "They think me unworthy" (not transcribed) 2 111
96. "The water birds will alight" (not transcribed) 3 111
97. "The sky clears" (not transcribed) 4 112
98. "I walk in a circle" (not transcribed) 5 112
99. "Our dwelling is royal" (not transcribed) 6 113
100. "Vermilion, I sing of thee " (not transcribed) 7 11:'.
101. "There stands a man" (not transcribed) 8 113
102. "I stand" (not transcribed) 9 113
103. " I am named " (not transcribed) 10 114
104. "I am unable to harmonize my voice" (not transcribed) 11 114
105. "They are feasting with me " (not transcribed) 12 114
106. "The sound is fading away" (not transcribed) 13 115
107. "You are a spirit" (not transcribed) 15 115
Social Songs on White Earth and Leech Lake Reservations Ina'btlndjlgan na'gumo'wtn (Dream Songs)
108. Doctor's song 244 121
109. "I go to the big bear's lodge" 245 121
110. "Going around the world " 246 122
111. The Song of Ce'degns' (Juggler's song) - . 213 125
112. Song of the trees 206 126
113. Song of the Thunders 207 If
114. "My voice is heard" - 208
115. " The approach of the storm" 209 129
116. " As the hawk soars " 210 130
117. "In the southern sky" - 211 132
118. " Manido' listens to me " : 212 132
119. Song of the crows 260 133
120. Song of the deserted warrior 259 134
121. "I am afraid of the owl " 261 135
Mliia'rHwWina'gtimo'irtn (War Songs)
122. (Nowords) ' 179 138
123. (Nowords) 182 138
124. (Nowords) 205 139
125. (Nowords) 215 139
126. Little Eagle's song 229 140
127. (Nowords) 230 141
128. Song of the loons 271 142
129. " I will start before noon " 276 143
130. Song of Cimau'ganic 277 143
131. "The shifting clouds" HI 14'5
132. Scalp dance 11° H6
128
XIV LIST OF SONGS
Sa'gii'diwln'ina'gfimo'win (Love Songs)
Serial Catalogue
no. no. Page
133. (No words) 98 148
134. (No words) 99 149
135. "My love has departed " 101 150
136. "Why should I be jealous?" 104 151
137. " I do not care for you any more " 106 152
138. "Donotweep" 107 152
139. "lie must be sorrowful" 110 153
140. "When I think of him" 262 154
141. (No words) 275 154
Ata'diwln'ina'g'&mo'wtn (Moccasin-game Songs)
142. (No words) 112 157
143. (No words) 181 158
144. "If lam beaten" 203 158
145. "I have rome after your stake" 224 159
Unclassified Songs
146. ( all to the dance 105 161
147 . "I am as brave as other men " 109 162
148. "My music reaches to the sky" 274 162
149. Lullaby 102 163
150. Farewell to the warriors 103 163
151. Song of thanks for a pony (a) 91 164
152. Song of thanks for a pony (b) : 92 164
153. Song of thanks for a pony (c) 93 165
Social Songs on Red Lake Reservation TFar Songs
154. (Nowords, 131 176
155. "Inside the cave" 140 177
156. (Nowords) 172 177
157. (Nowords) 173 178
158. (No words) 1 78
146 178
179
159. Scalp song (no words)
160. Scalp song (no words) 147
161. Scalp song (no words) 167 179
162. "The sky replies" 166 180
Love Songs
163. (No words) 161 182
164. (No words) 155 182
165. "In her canoe" 157 183
166. " I am going away " 151 183
167. "Come, let us drink" 152 184
Moccasin-game Songs
168. (No words) I33 I86
169. (No words) 142 187
170. (No words) 144
171 . (No words) 148
172. (No words) 171
173. (No words)
ISS
188 174 188
LIST OF SONUS
Serial Catalogs
no. no-
174. (No words) » 150
175. "He gave us a double crack " 134
176. "I am standing till daylight" 143
Woman' s-dance Songs
177. "1 have been waiting" 132
178. "Come, dance'' 175
179. (No words) 135
180. (No words) 141
181. (No words) 153
182. (No words) 154
183. (No words) 159
184. (No words) 177
185. "Where are you ? " 86
Unclassified Songs
186. Song referring to an historical incident 139
187. Song of the begging dance 149
188. Song of the begging dance 170
189. Song of thanks for a gift 168
190. Song of thanks for a gift 169
191. Song of thanks for a pony 136
192. Friendly song (a) 160
193. Friendly song (b) 162
194. Friendly song (c) 163
195. Friendly song (d) 164
196. Song referring to a vision 138
197. Song of We'nabo'jo 272
198. Dream song— duplicate of no. 115 (209) 108
199. Song of thanks for a pony— duplicate of no. 152 (92) 137
200. Love song— duplicate of no. 138 (107) 145
2. Arranged in Order of Catalogue Numbers
Page 189 189 190
192 193 193 194 194 195 195 195 196
198 199 200 201 201 202 202 203 204 204 205 206 208 209 209
|
Cata- logue no. |
Name of singer. |
Description of song. |
Title of song. |
Serial no. |
Page no. |
|
Gegwe'djiwe'blnufi' . . . do do |
MIde' |
94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 25 26 |
Ill |
||
|
"They think me unworthy" " The water birds will alight " — |
111 |
||||
|
do |
111 |
||||
|
do |
112 |
||||
|
do |
.do . |
112 |
|||
|
Deda'bicae' do |
do .do... |
113 |
|||
|
7 |
"Vermilion, I sing of thee" |
113 |
|||
|
8 |
do do |
do .do |
113 |
||
|
9 |
113 |
||||
|
10 |
... .do |
114 |
|||
|
do |
do |
"I am unable to harmonize my voice." "They are feasting with me" "The sound is fading away" |
114 |
||
|
12 |
do |
do |
114 |
||
|
13 |
...do |
.do |
115 |
||
|
15 |
do |
do |
115 |
||
|
16 |
.. .do |
63 |
|||
|
17 |
do |
do |
64 |
LIST OF SONGS
|
Cata- logue no. |
Name of singer. |
Description of s^ng. |
Title of song. |
Serial no. |
Page no. |
|
L8 |
Na'jobi'tun do do do do do do |
MIde' |
27 28 29 30 31 32 33 ;. 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 75 76 : 65 66 67 68 11 12 13 70 14 15 64 01 62 79 |
64 |
|
|
19 |
do |
||||
|
20 |
do |
. |
|||
|
21 |
do |
in |
|||
|
22 |
do |
||||
|
23 |
do |
||||
|
24 |
do |
||||
|
25 |
do do |
do |
|||
|
26 |
. do |
||||
|
do |
.do |
||||
|
28 |
. ..do. |
. .do |
|||
|
29 |
. .do. |
.. ..do. |
|||
|
30 |
. .do. |
.. ..do.. |
69 |
||
|
. .do |
do... |
69 |
|||
|
32 |
do.... |
do... |
70 |
||
|
33 |
...do.... |
do |
70 |
||
|
34 |
. ..do |
do |
71 |
||
|
. ..do |
do |
71 |
|||
|
36 |
do |
do |
72 |
||
|
37 |
.. ..do |
do |
72 |
||
|
38 |
do do |
do |
73 |
||
|
39 |
73 |
||||
|
40 |
do do |
do |
74 |
||
|
41 |
do |
74 |
|||
|
do |
.do |
||||
|
do |
.do |
76 |
|||
|
do do |
do |
70 |
|||
|
.do |
76 |
||||
|
do |
.do |
76 |
|||
|
do do |
.do |
77 |
|||
|
.do. |
77 |
||||
|
do |
.do... |
77 |
|||
|
do |
.do.... |
78 |
|||
|
do |
..do.. |
78 |
|||
|
do |
91 |
||||
|
do |
do |
do |
92 |
||
|
54 |
do |
Processional Introductory song |
37 |
||
|
55 |
. .do |
do |
39 |
||
|
do |
do |
83 |
|||
|
......do do |
do .do... |
84 |
|||
|
5S |
|||||
|
do |
.do |
Hunting song (d ) |
85 |
||
|
do |
86 |
||||
|
do |
45 |
||||
|
do |
46 |
||||
|
47 |
|||||
|
04 |
do |
Song for securing a good supply of maple sugar. |
87 |
||
|
do |
do. |
49 |
|||
|
do |
.do |
50 |
|||
|
, |
do |
81 |
|||
|
do |
79 |
||||
|
do |
80 |
||||
|
do |
94 |
||||
|
73 |
Na'waji'blgo'kwe |
do |
(«) |
89 |
LIST OF SONGS
Name of singer.
Na'waji'bigo'kwe .
do
do
Mi'jakiya'clg
....do
....do
....do
Manido'giclgo'kwe. ....do
Mrs. English..
Mrs.Mee
....do
....do
Ki'tclmak'wa.
....do
....do
Ki'ose'wini'ni.
...do
....do
Maifi'ans
A'gwitu'wigi'cfg. .
Gi'cibiins'
De'bwawen'dunk.
...do
...do
.do
'wita'bints.
.do
.do
.do
Description of s
Mide' . ....do. ....do. ....do. ....do.
Woman's-dance song.
Unclassified (o)
....do. (6)
....do. (c)
Love song
....do •
.do.
Unclassified (Lullaby).
....do
Love song
Unclassified
Love song
....do
Dream song
Unclassified
Love song
Moccasin-game song.
War song
....do
Mfde'
....do
....do
Title of song.
(h
(c)
id)
Healing song
Uealingsong
•' Where are you? "
Song of thanks fur a pony
( No words) . ....do
....do
....do
....do
....do
....do
....do
War song
Woman's-dance song. Moccasin-game song. .
....do
Woman's-dance song. Unclassified
Duplicate.
Unclassified ....do
War song
Woman's-dance song. Moccasin-game song. . ....do
.do.
Duplicate (Love song)
-do Scalp song
.do do
"My love has departed "
( No words)
Farewell to the warriors
" Why should I be jealous? "
Call to the dance
" I do not care for you any more "
" Do not weep"
Duplicate of no. 115 (catalogue no. 209).
"I am as brave as other men "...
"He must be sorrowful "
(No words)
"The shifting clouds "
Scalp dance
First song
Second song
Third song
Fourth song
Fifth song
Sixth song !
Seventh song
Eighth song
Ninth song
(No words')
"I have been waiting"
(No words)
" He gave us a double crack "...
(No words)
Song of thanks for a pony (no words i.
Repetition of no. 115 (catalogue no. 92).
Song referring to a vision
Song referring to an historical in- cident.
"Inside the cave "
(No words)
....do
"I am standing till daylight":...
(No words)
Repetition of no. 138 (catalogue no. 107).
(No words)
....do
155 180 169 176 170 200
12692°— Bull. 45—10-
LIST OF SONGS
Cata- logue I Name of singer.
Gi'wita'bines
William Prentiss.
. ...do
Gage'binfs.
....do
...do
...do
...do
....do
John Mark. Wabezic' . .
....do
....do
...do
...do
....do
..do.. ....do
....do
Gi'nawigi'clg.
...do
...do
...do... ....do... ....do.... Aki'waizi' ....do....
Description of song.
Moccasin-game song
Song of the begging dance.
Moccasin-game song
Love song
....do
Woman's-dance song.
do
Love song
do
Woman's-dance song.
Unclassified
Love song
Unclassified
do
do
War song
do
Unclassified
Main'ans. O'deni'gu ....do....
Moccasin-game song. .
War song
...do
Moccasin-game song. . Woman's-dance song.
...do
War song
...do
Moccasin-game song. .
War song
MIde'
....do
do
...do
...do
....do
do
do
do
'itle of song.
(No words). ...do
"I am going away "
' ' Come, let us drink "
(No words)
....do
...do
"In her canoe"
(No words)
Friendly song (a) (no words)
(No words)
Friendly song (6) (no words)
Friendly song (c) (no words)
Friendly song (d) (no words)
"The sky replies"
Scalp song
Song of thanks for a gift (no words).
(No words)
Song of the begging dance (no words).
(No words)
....do
...do
...do
"Come, dance"
(No words)
....do
....do
....do
.do.
do
Nita'miga'bo.
Ga'gandac'... do
do
Moccasin-game song . .
War song
Dream song
|
do do |
do j do |
|
do |
.do. |
|
do |
.do.. . . |
|
do. |
.do |
|
do |
do |
Dream song (Jugglers song).
War song
Moccasin-game song
Song of the four bears
Preparatory song
Song of the flying feather
Song of the man who succeeded .
Song of a scalp dance
Song of good medicine
Song of the crab medicine-bag.
Song of the fire-charm
Song of starvation
Song of the owl medicine
"If I am beaten"
(No words)
Song of the trees
Song of the thunders
"My voice is heard"
" The approach of the storm" . .
"As the hawk soars"
"In the southern sky"
"Manido'listens to me"
The song of Ce'deens'
(No words)
"I have come after vour stake "
LIST OK SOXOS
Cata- logue
237
238
240 241 242
244
245
240
248 J
253
254
255
256
259
200
201
202
Name of singer.
Description of song.
Ga'gandac' War song
do do. . .
Maifi'iins
do
....do
....do
....do
....do
...do.
...do
...do
...do
...do
...do
....do
....do
...do
Henry Selkirk
do
....do
Ga'tcitcigi'clg ....do
.do
MIde'..
do.
do.
do.
it le of song.
do
do
Dream song do
Little Eagle's song
(No words)
Song of the bear path
Escorting the candidate
Song of the manido'
Dancing song
" My pan of food"
" My pipe"
Song of the za'gimag'
Doctor's song
" I go to the big bear's lodge " .
do ' "Going around the world"
MIde' "They are making me old" . . .
do "To the spirit land"
do j Initiation song
do "I will sing"
do ' "I am walking"
Dream song ' Song of the deserted warrior...
do i Song of the crows
do j "lam afraid of the owl"
Love song | "When I think of him"
War song ; Song of the loons
Unclassified Song of We'nabo'jo
do | "My music reaches to the sky'
Love song i (No words)
do .. Warsong "I will start before noon"
do do SongofCImau'ganlc
Serial no.
Mil
90
91 I
63
92
93 120 119 121 140 128 197 148 141 129 130
Page no.
Special Signs Used in Transcriptions of Songs
(See pp. 5 and 6. I
+ placed above a note indicates that the tone is sung slightly less than a semitone higher than the proper pitch.
— placed above a note indicates that the tone is sung slightly less than a semitone lower than the proper pitch.
(• placed above a note indicates that the note is prolonged slight ly beyond its proper time.
•) placed above a note indicates that the note is given less than its proper time.
( m ) is used in melody outlines to indicate the pitch of a tone with- out reference to its duration.
Meaningless syllables are italicized.
Where no words are given beneath the notes it is understood that meaningless syllables were used, except in songs whose words were sung too indistinctly for transcription, such instances being described in the analysis.
CHIPPEWA MUSIC By Frances Densmore
GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF SONGS Introduction
The songs comprised in this paper were obtained during 1907, 1908, and 1909, from Chippewa Indians on the White Earth, Leech Lake, and Red Lake reservations in Minnesota, a few songs being also secured from a Chippewa living on the Bois Fort reservation in Minnesota. The Chippewa Indians on the White Earth and Leech Lake reservations may be said to represent the portion of the tribe south of Lake Superior ; those on the Red Lake reservation are more nearly connected with the portion of the tribe living north of Lake Superior. Conditions on the White Earth and Leech Lake reserva- tions are different from thdse at Red Lake, and the personality of the singers presents a marked contrast. For these reasons the social songs are considered in two groups. No Mlde/ songs were collected at Red Lake.
Chippewa songs are not petrified specimens; they are alive with the warm red blood of human nature. Music is one of the greatest pleasures of the Chippewa. If an Indian visits another reservation one of the first questions asked on his return is: " What new songs did you learn?"
Every phase of Chippewa life is expressed in music. Many of the songs are very old and are found on several reservations; others are said to be the more recent compositions of certain men who com- posed them "during a dream" or "upon awaking from a dream." It is still customary for the Chippewa to celebrate an important event by a song. On the Leech Lake reservation the writer secured the song which the Indians composed and sang during the disturbance known as the "Pillager outbreak," in 1898. The song relates to the death of Major Wilkinson, an officer of the United States Army, who was shot while leading the troops. The Indians honor his 12692°— Bull. 45—10 -1
2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I bull. 45
bravery and speak of him with respect. The words of the song evidently refer to the grief of his fellow officers, and are as follows: "One in authority passeth wailing. Thou, O chief, art by nature also a man."
The Chippewa have no songs which are the exclusive property of families or clans. A young man may learn his father's songs, for example, by giving him the customary gift of tobacco, but he does not inherit the right to sing such songs, nor does his father force him to learn them.
The history of the Chippewa songs is well known to the singers, and is further preserved by the Indian custom of prefacing a song with a brief speech concerning it. On formal occasions the Chip- pewa singer says: "My friends, I will now sing you the song of ,"
describing the subject of the song. At the close of the song he says:
"My friends, I have sung the song of ," repeating the title of the
song. In this way the facts concerning the song become strongly associated with the melody in the minds of the people.
Chippewa singers often mention the locality from which a song came — Gull lake, Madeline island, or La Pointe. If a song was learned from the Sioux, it is so stated.
An interesting fact concerning Chippewa songs is that the melody is evidently considered more important than the words. In a suc- cession of several renditions of a song it is not unusual to find the words occurring only once. The idea is the important thing, and that is firmly connected with the melody in the minds of the Indians. It is permissible and customary to compose new words for old tunes, but,so far as thewriterhas observed, these are always similar in general character to the words previously used. These observations do not, of course, apply to the Mlde' songs, which are considered separately. An instance of the changing of words in a song is furnished by one of the love songs (no. 138; catalogue no. 107). As originally recorded the words of this song were: "Do not weep, I am not going to die." On another reservation the same song was found, the words being: "Do not weep, I am not going away;" again: "Do not weep, I am going away but I will return soon." Among a third group of Indians the writer found the song changed again. A certain Indian said that he had recently made some new words for the song. The words referred to a certain incident which he related, their general trend being: "Do not weep, I will take care of you." In all these instances the underlying idea was the same and the general trend of the melody was the same, though different singers gave slightly different passing tones and embellishments. The various changes thus introduced did not affect the identity of the song in the mind of the Indians.
densmoiie] CHIPPEWA MUSIC 3
Indian songs are not recorded in a definite system of notation and a standard of absolute exactness is lacking. For that reason it seems desirable that study be concentrated on the melody-trend and the principal rhythm of the song, which show no variation in renditions by different singers. A classified analysis of these unvarying phases may supply data bearing on the natural laws which govern musical expression.
Indian music seems to belong to a period in which habit takes the place of scale consciousness. Habit in the choice of musical intervals is formed by following a line of least resistance or by a definite act of the will; or may be the result of both, the voice at first singing the intervals which it finds easiest and afterward repeating those intervals voluntarily. It is in such ways as these that the tone material comprising Indian songs is probably acquired.
The study of Indian music deals with a free tonal expression, yet this music is recorded at present in the notation of a conven- tional system. It is acknowledged that ordinary musical notation does not, in all instances, represent accurately the tones sung. According to Ellis,a "all these [five-tonedl scales are merely the best representations in European notation of the sensations produced by the scales on European listeners. They can not be received as cor- rect representations »f the notes actually played." If a new and complete notation were used in recording fractional tones it should be used in connection with delicately adjusted instruments which would determine those fractional tones with mathematical accuracy. The present study is not an analysis of fractional tones, but of melodic trend and general musical character; therefore the ordinary musical notation is used, with the addition of a few signs in special cases.
The songs are recorded on a phonograph provided with a specially constructed recording horn and recorders. Care is taken in selecting the singers and in explaining to them the nature of the material desired, and effort is made to free them from constraint or embarrassment, in order that, the recorded song may be free and natural.
Before recording a song the name of the singer, the number of the song, and the tone C of a pitch pipe are given into the record- ing horn. These data serve to identify the cylinder record and also to indicate the speed of the phonograph at the time the record is made.
Before transcribing a song the speed of the phonograph is adjusted so that the tone C as registered on the record shall correspond to
a In his translation of Hemholtz's The Sensations of Tone as the .Physiological Basis of Music, part 3, chapter 14 (footnote, p. 261).
4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 45
the tone C as given by the pitch pipe. Thus the pitch and the metric unit of the song are identical in recording and reproducing — a con- dition essential to accuracy of transcription.
Intonation
One of the characteristics of Chippewa singing observed during this study is that a vibrato, or wavering tone, is especially pleasing to the singers. This is difficult for them to acquire and is considered a sign of musical proficiency. The vibrato may seem to indicate an uncertain sense of tone, but the singer who uses it is ready to approve the song when sung with correct intonation. He declares, however, that this is not "good singing." A person unaccustomed to Indian singing, even if he have a keen ear, will find difficulty in recognizing a song when it is sung by a typical Indian singer of the old school, yet the Indian is ready to admit that the points of difference are entirely in the rendition.
A kernel of tone on true pitch is evidenced by the following experi- ment : The phonograph record of an extremely harsh song was selected and duplicated on an electric recording machine, producing a record much softer in that much of the harshness was eliminated, and show- ing a melody approaching accuracy of pitch. Another discordant song was duplicated on a second phonograph, another record made from this, and so on to the seventh record, which was so clear and melodic as to be easily transcribed. Some of the by tones were lost in each successive duplication, and what remained at last was t. he- principal tone. In each instance this must have been present in the first record, though so obscured as to be almost indistinguishable.
At present the only standard generally available for the meas- urement of musical intervals is the tempered musical scale. This is artificial, yet its points of difference from the natural scale are intervals less frequently used in primitive music than those which the two scales have in common. Chippewa singers have been found who sang all the intervals correctly except the fourth and seventh.
In his Esthetics of Musical Art, Dr. Ferdinand Hand, of the Uni- versities of Leipzig and Jena, makes the statement that the Swiss and T3'rolese sing the fourth of the scale too high and the seventh too low for our ears. He says also: "Every teacher of singing admits that children have special difficulty in singing these intervals. This is not because they are not in accordance with nature, but are the products of acute reflection and are therefore to be found only where the finer development of the intellect renders them possible."
The descending interval of the minor third occurs with frequency in the Chippewa songs, regardless of the nature of the song. This suggests that it may be an interval either especially pleasing or
densmore] CHIPPEWA MUSIC 5
especially easy for the voice, and not directly connected with the concept of the song.
Accidentals are usually given with more firmness and accuracy than diatonic tones. This may be attributed to one of two causes — either these tones are recognized as deviations from some definite standard, or they are individual tones impressed on the mind of the singers more clearly than other tones, and are therefore given more accurately. Of interest in this connection is the fact that the phonograph record shows the octavo, fifth, and twelfth sung accurately by men who give the other intervals with uncertain pitch. This peculiarity is found in records made by Indians whose environment is primitive and who rarely hear the white man's music. The following system of signs has been adopted: If the singer gives the principal intervals of the scale correctly, but makes deviation in other intervals, these incorrect tones, if raised less than a semitone, are marked + ; if lowered less than a semitone, they are marked — . This tonal peculiarity has been tested in the following manner: Two singers were asked to repeat songs recorded about seven months before; about 20 songs were included in this test, which showed devia- tion on the same tones in the second as in the first rendition.
Rhythm
The rhythm of a Chippewa song is as much a matter of composition as the melody and often expresses the idea of the song. The term "rhythm," in this connection, refers to the succession of measures of irregular lengths, as well as to the subdivision of the measure.
The transcription of a song is divided into measures according to the vocal accent. Since a secondary accent seldom occurs, the song is usually divided into measures of two or three counts. In many instances each of these counts is a metric unit and is so indicated by the metronome mark at the opening of the song; in other instances the entire measure constitutes the metric unit. In many songs there is a recurring rhythmic unit composed of one to four or more measures; in other songs there fs no recurring rhythmic unit and in many songs of this class the entire melody constitutes a rhythmic unit, complete and satisfactory in itself. Continued repetition of such a song gives to the entire performance the effect of a homogeneous whole.
In many cases a metronome test of the phonograph record shows the drum to have the same uulse or metric unit as the melody. From this fact one would expect to find that the pulse of drum and voice coincide at certain points, but an analysis of phonograph records and observation in the field tend to show that the drum and the voice are independent expressions. This is indicated in the tabulated
6 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bill. 45
rhythmic analysis of the songs, and also in the analysis of individual songs. The Chippewa seldom strikes a drum and sounds a tone simultaneously. One phonograph record (no. 124; catalogue no. 205) shows a remarkable peculiarity. The metric units of voice and drum are so nearly alike that the same metronome indication is used for each. At the beginning of the record the drumbeat is slightly behind the voice, but it gains gradually until for one or two measures the drum and voice are together; the drum continues to gain, and during the remainder of the record it is struck slightly before the sounding of the corresponding tone by the voice. The record is not sufficiently long to show whether, in a more extended perform- ance, the drum would have slackened in speed until it again took its place after the voice.
It is worthy of note that appreciable interruptions in regular rhythms are accurately repeated. For instance, in certain songs there occur tones prolonged less than one-half their value; these are marked thus (• . It was found that if the singer sang the song several times he prolonged the tones to exactly the same length in each rendition. Other tones are similarly shortened and are marked thus •). These also are found to be accurately repeated.
Thus far, observation indicates that the rhythm is the essential part of the Chippewa song. The words of a song may be slightly different in rendition, or the less important melody progressions may vary, but a corresponding variation in rhythm has not been observed. A song, when sung by different singers, shows an exact reproduction of rhythm.
During many of the Chippewa war dances the drum is in even beats, equally accented. The drum rhythm of the woman's dance consists of an accented beat preceded by an unaccented beat; the drum rhythm of the moccasin game is similar, but the unaccented beat in the for- mer corresponds approximately to the third count in a triple measure, while the unaccented beat in the latter corresponds in value to the fourth count in a quadruple measure. Another distinction lies in the manner of beginning tliese rhythms. In beginning the rhythm of the woman's dance, the drummers give the unaccented beat with a rebound of the stick, so that it seems to be connected with the beat which precedes rather than with that which follows it. As soon as the rhythm is well established, however, the unaccented beat clearly connects itself with the succeeding beat. In the moccasin game the rhythm is unmistakable from the start, the short beat being closely connected with the longer one, which is emphatically accented. These three rhythms, the war dance, the woman's dance, and the moccasin game are the principal rhythms of the drum among the Minnesota Chippewa.
DBNSMORE] chtppewa music 7
Tone Material
A wide range of tone material is shown by the songs under obser- vation. Certain songs contain tones whose melodic sequence refers definitely to a keynote or tonic. Other songs contain tones which appear to belong to the system of tones commonly called major or minor keys, but which are used in such melodic sequence that their relation to a keynote or tonic is obscure. The border line between these two classes of songs is not clearly marked. Because the rela- tion of tones to a keynote is not apparent, one scarcely is justified in saying that such relation does not exist, especially as the purpose of the present work is not scale construction, nor scale analysis, but recording, in the simplest and most evident manner, the musical performances of the Chippewa. For this reason no attempt is made to separate these two classes of songs. The distinction will be evi- dent to those who follow closely the transcriptions and analyses. In many instances the sharps and flats at the beginning of the staff indicate that the tones upon those degrees are sharped or flatted, but do not imply that the corresponding key is fully established. For present purposes it is deemed sufficient to analyze the tone material of the songs, with reference to the keynote implied by the beginning and ending of the song and its general melodic trend.
The present system of classification, while carried out consist- ently, must be recognized as broad in outline and somewhat tentative. The principal change from ordinary terminology is in connection with what are commonly known as the major and minor penta- tonic scales. These two consist of the same tones, a major tonality being secured by using as a keynote the lower tone of the group of three tones, and a minor tonality being secured by using as a keynote the upper tone of the group of two tones.
The subject of pentatonic scales is fully considered by Helmholtz,a according to whom a scale lacking the second and sixth tones is the second five-toned scale. This is the scale commonly known as the minor pentatonic scale. According to the same author, a scale lacking the fourth and seventh tones is the fourth five-toned scale. This is the scale commonly known as the major pentatonic scale. Following the system set forth by Helmholtz, the terms "second five-toned scale" and "fourth five-toned scale" are used to indicate what are commonly called minor and major pentatonic scales.
A somewhat less important change in terminology is the use of the term "tonality" instead of the more common term "key;" this is fully explained in connection with the first tabulated analysis.
a In his work The Sensations of Tone as the Physiological Basis oi .1 :sie (part I, chapter li>.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 45
Many songs which contain a limited number of tones, too limited to constitute an organized key, still show definite tonality, either major or minor.
Structure
The sequence of tones in Chippewa songs shows that certain songs are harmonic and others melodic in structure. The following basis of classification has been adopted : Songs are classified as harmonic if their accented tones follow the intervals of diatonic chords, and as melodic if their contiguous accented tones have no apparent chord relationship. In the latter class are included many songs in which the relations of the tones to a keynote is not strongly in evidence.
In many instances the interpretation of the words of these songs has been difficult, the Mlde' songs requiring special skill in transla- tion."
Tabulated Analysis of ISO Songs
The classifications presented are broad in their outlines. Further investigation may make it possible to analyze mure closely and to classify more definitely many of these songs.
Melodic Analysis
TONALITY b
|
a o |
White Earth and Leech Lake reservations. |
Red Lake reservation. |
|||||||||
|
a 03 Q |
O |
i o o 1-^ |
1 |
Sg o w |
a c 1 7 1 |
P O o 3 2 |
ID 1 to . |o o 9 |
03 £a c s I 3 6 |
03 S 1= |
o Eh |
|
|
65 25 |
12 2 |
5 0 |
G 3 |
2 2 |
3 |
4 G 1 1 |
104 |
||||
|
73 |
|||||||||||
|
2 |
|||||||||||
|
pginnin^ major, en ing |
1 |
||||||||||
|
iseginnnif, 1 in , g |
— |
|
|
||||||||
|
180 |
|||||||||||
a The writer gratefully acknowledges her indebtedness to Mrs. Charles Mee, Mrs. Mary Warren English, Rev. C. II. Beaulieu, and Mr. G. II. Beaulieu for their assistance as interpreters; also to the Rev. J. A. Gilflllan, who for twenty-five years lived on the White Earth reservation, speaking the Chippewa language with a fiuency and understanding rarely attained by a member of the white race.
6 Tonality is defined as "the quality and peculiarity of a tonal system; " key is defined as a "system of tones the members of which bear certain definite relations to each other. "
Certain of the songs under analysis show a sequence of tones similar to a major or minor key; in other instances the tone material which comprises a key or scale is present and the songs are clearly major or minor in tonality, yet the arrangement of the tones with reference to a keynote is not apparent. Thus from actual observation we discern the distinction between these two terms.
Since we are considering music of a period in which what we now designate scales and keys were not for- mulated, the terms "major tonality" and "minor tonality" are used in preference to the common term3 "major key" and "minor key."
DEXSMOUfil
CHIPPEWA MUSIC
Melodic Analysis — Coni Lnued
TONE MATERIAL^
|
' |
a o ■a S |
White Earth and Leech Lake reservations. |
Red Lake reservation. |
|||||||||
|
I B 8 |
3 a |
o ►3 |
B Ml . § o O |
BX) |
c o 1 |
i |
1 'if r |
- 1 |
o Eh |
|||
|
18 11 19 2 1 |
8 |
?, |
i |
1 |
1 2 2 |
1 |
6 |
3 1 |
3 |
38 |
||
|
99 |
||||||||||||
|
4 |
1 |
27 |
||||||||||
|
Major triad, sixth, and fourlh |
9 |
|||||||||||
|
i |
1 |
3 |
||||||||||
|
1 |
||||||||||||
|
2 |
1 |
1 |
i 2 |
2 |
' |
|||||||
|
? |
||||||||||||
|
1 |
||||||||||||
|
3 10 2 |
1 1 |
1 1 |
i |
1 |
8 |
|||||||
|
Octave complete except seventh Octave com] ili 'ii> excepl sixth |
1 |
2 3 |
14 |
|||||||||
|
1 |
1 |
2 |
8 |
|||||||||
|
4 |
1 |
3 |
||||||||||
|
19 3 |
1 |
3 |
2 |
2 |
1 |
3 |
38 |
|||||
|
5 |
||||||||||||
|
|
•"•"I |
|||||||||||
|
Total |
1SII |
|||||||||||
MEOINNINOS OK SONliS
|
On the twelfth |
33 29 |
' |
4 |
3 |
2 |
3 |
2 ' 3 |
54 |
||||
|
On the fifth |
3 |
1 |
4 |
4 |
44 |
|||||||
|
1 |
1 1 |
2 |
1 |
4 |
||||||||
|
.... |
1 |
4 |
||||||||||
|
1 |
1 |
5 |
||||||||||
|
5 11 2 |
1 |
1 |
||||||||||
|
1 |
1 2 |
"T |
? |
|||||||||
|
3 |
3 |
5 |
1 |
7- |
T |
I |
||||||
|
On the sixth |
2 |
, |
||||||||||
|
2 |
2 |
1 |
5 |
|||||||||
|
3 |
1 |
|||||||||||
|
— |
— |
|
|
— |
||||||||
|
Total |
||||||||||||
a Many songs included in this classification consist of tones which are not clearly referable to a tonic or keynote. The songs are grouped according to the tone material which they contain. Thus, if a melody contains F sharp and C sharp, begins on A and ends on D, it is, in this classification, regarded as being in the key of D.
Certain melodies readily conform to the three principal chords of a key; other melodies containing the same tones have no affiliation for either the principal chords or the closing cadence of the key. This pecu- liarity is noted in the analysis of the song.
10
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Melodic Analysis — Continued
ENDINGS OF SONGS
|
White Earth and Leech Lake reservations. |
Red Lake reservation. |
|||||||||||
|
o |
OJ |
« |
||||||||||
|
£ |
0 |
a |
Ol |
|||||||||
|
a |
a 8 |
bo |
~«5 |
a 8 03 |
Si |
&» |
T3 . |
•-M |
||||
|
8 3 |
I 0 |
I 03 |
3 |
■-j a |
|1 a P |
S |
1H a |
a a |8 |
p |
3 o |
||
|
56 21 |
10 3 |
8 3 |
6 ? |
3 1 |
5 2 |
9 1 |
3 |
9 |
6 2 |
8 3 |
120 |
|
|
On the fifth |
39 |
|||||||||||
|
10 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
17 |
||||
|
In two keys |
3 |
1 |
4 |
|||||||||
|
|
|
|
|
|
180 |
|||||||
FIRST PROGRESSIONS
|
83 7 |
10 4 |
9 2 |
2 |
4 4 |
5 4 |
3 2 |
2 7 |
4 5 |
7 5 |
135 |
||
|
3 2 |
45 |
|||||||||||
|
1 |
180 |
|||||||||||
|
1 |
ACCIDENTALS a
|
Songs containing no accidentals |
73 4 1 3 1 1 |
11 |
10 |
4 |
3 1 |
6 |
9 |
2 1 |
9 |
8 |
12 |
147 9 |
|
1 |
||||||||||||
|
1 |
4 |
|||||||||||
|
1 |
3 |
1 |
||||||||||
|
1 |
||||||||||||
|
1 |
||||||||||||
|
1 |
||||||||||||
|
3 |
3 |
|||||||||||
|
|
|
|
|
T- |
|
|||||||
|
180 |
||||||||||||
a The principal object of this classification is to show the frequency with which tones diatonically altered occur in these songs. Each accidental is classified according to its interval from the keynote which is implied by the beginning, ending, and general trend of the melody.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 45 PLATE 2
CICl'GWAN (DOCTOR'S RATTLE), SHOWING MANNER OF HOLD- ING INSTRUMENT WHEN IN USE
MiTl'GWAKIK' (MIDE' DRUM), REVERSE SIDE
MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
DENSMOfcS]
CHIPPEWA MUSIC Rhythmic Analysis
11
Beginning on accented portion of
measure
Beginning on unaccented portion... Transcribed in outline
Total.
Metric unit of voice and drum the same
Metric unit of voice and drum differ- ent
Recorded without drum
Total.
White Earth and Leech
Lake reservations.
Red Lake reservation.
|
Structural Analysis |
||||||||||||
|
20 711 |
8 6 |
5 6 |
9 |
2 2 |
8 |
1 8 |
5 |
3 |
9 |
2 10 |
41 |
|
|
139 |
||||||||||||
|
T |
180 |
|||||||||||
|
1 |
Harmonic.— Songs in which the accented tones follow the intervals of diatonic chord. Melodic.— Songs in which the accented tones suggest the intervals of a diatonic scale, having no apparent chord relationship to each other.
MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
The songs of the Chippewa are usually accompanied by either the drum or the rattle, while the Chippewa lover intersperses his songs with the music of the flute.
The drum used in the social dances is about 2 feet in diameter and 10 inches in thickness; it is suspended between stakes, which are driven firmly in the ground. The sides of the drum are decorated with beaded cloth. It is said that in the old days it was customary to make a war drum by driving stakes in the ground and stretching an entire hide over them, binding it in place by means of strong hoops.
The Mide'wiwm has its special musical instruments. These con- sist of the tinti'gwakik' (drum) and cici'gwan (rattles). These instru- ments are shown in plates 1 and 2.
The miti'gwakik' shown in the illustration is very old. It was purchased on the Red Lake reservation, where it has often been
l£> 13UKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 45
heard at a distance of 10 miles. Those drums are not unpleasantly loud, but the sound has great vibration and carries a long distance. This mitl'gwakik' is made of a basswood log, hollowed by charring and scraping. It is 16^ inches high, 10 inches in diameter at the base, and 8£ inches in diameter at the top. It is decorated with a blue band at the base, four heads representing the four Mide' manioV, and an oblong said to represent a bag containing yarrow, which signifies life. The heads are outlined in red and the bag in blue. When in use it is partially filled with water (the plug in the side is plainly shown). The top is of untanned deerskin, which is dampened and stretched very tight. At times, instead of being dampened the top of the drum is held toward the fire or in the warmth of the sun, which has the desired effect. Great care is taken in preparing a drum for use, the proper quality of tone being secured by the treat- ment of the deerskin top.
Four rattles comprise a set as used in the Mide'. (See description of Mide' ceremony, p. 48.) These are not decorated. Three consist of small wooden drums, each provided with a sewn cover of hide, containing small stones or shot and pierced by a stick which forms the handle. The writer has seen rattles of this type used in the treatment of the sick by means of the Mide'. These rattles are used also in the "shooting of spirit power" during a ceremony of the Mide'. The fourth rattle is made on a frame of bent wood. Each of these rattles has a different tone, determined by the quantity of stones or shot which it contains.
The round instrument at the right of the drum in the illustration is the rattle used by the dja'sakid (doctor or juggler) ; if the dja'sakid be also a member of the Mide'wiwin he may use this as a drum when practising the Mide' songs or teaching them to others. As stated else- where, the dja'sakid are frequently members of the Mide'wiwin, and it was from such a man that this instrument was secured. It is 9£ inches in diameter, one-half inch in thickness, and contains only three or four shot or small stones. Across the face of the drum is a blue band, the smaller segment of the circle being painted green. Larger instruments of the same type are also used by the dja'sakid; many of them are elaborately decorated. The use of this instrument in the treatment of the sick is fully described in the chapter on dream songs. (Seep. 119.)
The drum used in the moccasin game is about 15 inches in diameter and 2 inches in thickness. It may have hide stretched over one or both sides and some specimens have small bits of jingling tin set m the hoop. The stick used in beating this drum is similar to the one shown with the dja'sakid instrument.
The courting flute of the Chippewa is usually made of cedar and is similar in construction to the flutes of other Indian tribes.
DBNSMOBB] CHIPPEWA MUSIC 13
THE MIDE' Beliefs
The MMe' (Grand Medicine), is the native religion of the Chippewa. It teaches that long life is coincident with goodness, and that evil inevitably reacts on the offender. Its chief aim is to secure health and long life to its adherents, and music forms an essential part of every means used to that end. Thus far the study of the subject has revealed no reference to war and no allusions to enemies. The ele- ment of propitiation is also absent from its teaching and practice.
The organization of this religion is called the Mide'wiwin ((hand Medicine Society) . Both men and women are eligible to membership; a male member is called Mide'wini'ni, and a female member Mide'- wikwe' . There are eight degrees in the Mide'wiwin, persons being advanced from one degree to another on receiving certain instruc- tions and bestowing valuable gifts. Meetings of the Mide'wiwin are held in the spring of each year, members being initiated at that time; it is also permissible to hold initiation ceremonies in the fall. All members are expected to attend one meeting each year for the renewal of their "spirit power." Smaller gatherings may be held at any time for the treatment of the sick, and it is also permissible for a few members of the society to meet at any time for the purpose of singing the songs and strengthening their faith in the beliefs of the Mide'. A feast and an offering are inseparable features of all these gatherings.
Ritual exactness is not obligatory in the Mide'. Its ceremony of initiation has a general outline which is universally followed, but the details vary in different localities. No ceremonial garments are worn, and there are no ceremonial articles connected with the organization. It is said that each leader has a pipe which he smokes only at meet- ings of the Mide'wiwin, but this seems a matter of custom rather than of requirement. There is nothing which corresponds to an hereditary priesthood, the leaders of a ceremony being men who hold high degrees in the society, and are chosen for the office at each meeting of the society. The selection of songs at the various parts of the initiation ceremony is decided by the leaders of the ceremony, as there are many songs which may be sung.
Since ritual exactness is not obligatory in the Mide', there is no penalty attached to a mistake in the singing of a song. De'bwawen'- dunk, an old member of the Mide'wiwin, states that there is a cor- rect way to sing each song and that an effort is made to sing it in this manner because failure to do so is displeasing to the Mide' manido'. Added importance is given to this statement by the fact that De'bwawen'diink lives on the Bois Fort reservation, where the Indians have had little direct contact with white men and where the old traditions are particularly well preserved.
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The emblem of the Mide' is mi'gis, a small, white shell, which is said to appear upon the surface of the water when the action of a manido' (spirit) causes the water to seethe. Manido' in the form of water ani- mals, mermaids, and mermen, also appear to the members of the Mide'wiwin for the purpose of imparting instruction when they are in a frame of mind to receive it. Hoping for such a visitation, it is not unusual for a member of the Mide'wiwin to sit beside the water for hours at a time, singing Mide' songs and beating the Mide' drum or shaking a rattle.
The healing art of the Mide' is entirely different from that prac- tised by the Chippewa doctors, the method of treatment is different, and the two vocations are distinct, though it is possible for a doctor to be a member of the Mide'wiwm. Descriptions of the treatment of the sick by both these methods will be given."
The life enjoined on the members of the Mide'wiwm is a life of rec- titude. They are taught that membership in the Mide'wiwm does not exempt a man from the consequences of his sins. Lying and stealing are strictly forbidden ; also the use of liquor.
The Mide' is not without its means of punishing offenders. Those holding high degrees in the Mide'wiwin are familiar with the art of subtle poisoning, which may be used if necessary. It is said that they are also able to call down curses on those who displease them. The writer was recently informed of an instance in which a man offended a Mide'wini'ni, who retaliated by saying that a misfortune would soon befall him. In a short time his little daughter died.
Songs
The songs of the Mide' represent the musical expression of religious ideas. The melody and the idea are the essential parts of a Mide' song, the words being forced into conformation with the melody. To accomplish this it is customary to add meaningless syllables either between the parts of a word or between the words; accents are mis- placed and a word is sometimes accented differently in various parts of a song; the vowels are also given different sounds, or changed en- tirely. Any of these alterations are permissible. In addition to the meaningless syllables used to fill out the measures we find the ejac- ulations he hi hi hi, used in the songs associated with the "shooting of spirit power."
The writer has even been informed that it is permissible for differ- ent members of the Mide'wiwin holding high degrees to use slightly different words for the songs, but the idea of the song must always remain the same. The words serve as a key to this idea without fully expressing it. Sometimes only one or two words occur in a song. Their literal translation is meaningless, but to an instructed member
a See pp. 51 and 119.
UBNSMOBB] CHIPPEWA MUSIC 15
of the Mide'wlwm they bear an occult significance. Many of the words used in the Mide' songs arc unknown in the conversational Chippewa of the present time. This fact has made it difficult to secure satisfactory translations of these songs. Nine or ten interpreters have been employed on many of them, the final translation being made by three particularly efficient interpreters in consultation with two members of the Mide'wiwm. By this method it has been possi- ble to reach the idea underlying the song.
A Mide' song is not considered complete unless the syllables ho ho ho ho are repeatedly given at the close. When singing these songs into the phonograph the singers have often requested a signal, so that they might be sure to record these syllables before the blank was filled. If necessary they leave a rendition of the song unfinished in order to record them; some give them also before singing the song.
A member of the Mide'wiwm usually begins his performance by drumming rapidly; then he gives the ejaculations, or speaks to the Mide' manido' or makes some remarks concerning the song he is about to sing; after this he sings the song, the beat df the drum being continu- ous throughout. The drum appears to be an independent expression, as in a large majority of instances the metric unit of the drum is different from that of the voice. (See p. 11.)
The songs of the Mide'wiwm are estimated as several hundred in number. Some have a direct ceremonial use, as in the initiation of members; others are connected with the use of "medicine," the song being sung when results are to be accomplished by ' ' spirit power ; ' ' and other songs are known as ni'miw&g' , or dancing songs. Certain ceremonial songs are grouped in series of eight or ten, the members of the Mide'wiwm dancing during the last half of the series.
In the words of these songs the ancient teachings and beliefs of the Mide' are preserved. The words of the songs frequently furnish the texts for discourses by the Mide'wlnl'ni. In some of the series of songs it is the custom that one song be sung by each man, who fol- lows the song with a discourse based on it.
Many of the songs are taught only to those who pay for the privi- lege of learning them, and all the Songs are recorded in mnemonics on strips of birch bark. This record serves as a reminder of the essential idea of the song and is different in its nature from our system of printing. The Indian picture preserves the idea of the song, while our printed page preserves the words which are supposed to express the idea but which often express it very imperfectly."
a The drawings for songs contained in this paper were made as follows (serial numbers used): Draw- ings for songs nos. 1, 4, 81-88 by O'deni' gun; those for songs nos. 16-24 by De'bwaw&i'dunk ; those for songs nos. 65-69 by Be'clgwi'wizans, and that for song no. 75 by Manido'giclgo'kwe— all of whom sang the songs. The drawings for songs nos. 2, 3, 5-15, 25-64, 70-80 (except no. 75), 89-107 were the work of Na'waji'bigo'kwe, who sang only a portion of the songs but made the drawings for the remainder on hearing the phonograph records of the songs.
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The drawings of the Mide' songs are universally understood by members of the Mide'wiwm. A large number of drawings have been tested in the following manner: A song has been phonographic- ally recorded and the picture drawn on one reservation and later the phonograph record has been played to a member of the MIde'wiwin living on a distant reservation. The song has been recognized at once and a picture drawn without hesitation. This picture, on com- parison with the first, has been found identical in symbolism, differ- ing only as one person draws better than another. By an inverse test, a song picture has been shown to a member of the Mide'wiwm and she has sung the song which was sung on a distant reservation by the person who drew the picture.
There are certain established symbols in the Mide' drawing, the principal ones being the circle, used to represent the earth, the sky, a lake and a hill ; and straight or wavy lines, used to represent " spirit power." These symbols are combined with a crude delineation of the objects mentioned in the song.
This system of mnemonics may be used for other purposes than the songs. The writer once asked a woman who is a member of the Mide'wiwm to write the Chippewa word Gi'cigo'i~kwe in the Mide' mnemonics. The woman had never heard the word before. It is a proper name combining the words gi'cig (sky) and i'Jcwe (woman), the vowel o being a connective. The woman said that it would require a little time for her to think how to write the word and that no one could be in the wigwam with her when she wrote it. The result is shown herewith (see fig. 1).
The double circle represents the sky, in which the moon is seen; the single circle represents the earth. In each of these circles is the fig- ure of a woman, the two figures being connected by a line which touches the hand of the figure in the earth circle. The explanation given by the woman was as follows:
This name mea^s that there are really two women instead of one. In the sky is one of these women; the other is on the earth. But the woman in the sky is con- stantly giving spirit power to the one on the earth, which the one on the earth reaches out her hand to receive.
i.exsmorb] CHIPPEWA MUSIC 17
This illustration shows that the Mule' writing can be used to express complicated ideas.
The example of song writing here given (fig. 2) shows a delineation of the objects mentioned in the song.
The words of the song are :
Wase' Light
Nita'binos Around you
O'gima Chief
I'kwe Woman (princess)
This picture was drawn by the same woman as the preceding. She stated that the horizontal line represents the edge of the wig- wam, along which are arranged various articles of value indicated by the dots. At each end are torches, the light of which falls
Fig. 2. MIde' song writing.
on the gathered wealth, causing many of the articles to glitter. These articles belong to a woman standing with upraised hands and wear- ing a pearl necklace with a locket.
In singing this song the woman pointed to one portion of the prc- ture after another, tapping the birch bark lightly as she sang and traversing the row of dots, the horizontal line, the outline of the necklace, and the torches, then beginning again at the row of dots.
The woman who sang this song stated further that "it is a medi- cine song" and that she could, if desired, furnish some of the medicine for use with the song. "The medicine was in the form of a powder and would be worn in a medicine bag."
No phonograph was available at the time, but the song was noted. It begins on a high tone, descending with frequent intervals of the 12692°— Bull. 45—10 2
18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 45
minor third and glissando progressions, and has a compass of an octave and two tones.
Many of the Mide' songs are grouped in series, the pictures being drawn on a long strip of birch bark. Midway through such a series a line is drawn. This indicates a pause, after which the people rise, and dance during the remaining songs of the series.
The antiquity of these songs is shown by the fact that many of them are widely known among scattered peoples who came originally from the same locality but have had practically no communication for a long period of time. The preservation of the songs is aided by the mnemonics, and the importance attached to them is shown by the reluctance of the Mule' Indians to sing them until fully assured of the sincerity and good will of the person making the request.
In analyzing the music as the important part of the expression, the question arises whether the melodic progression or the rhythm is more strongly impressed on the mind of the singer. Which of these elements is to him the more important feature of the song? A careful review of more than a hundred Mule' songs shows them to consist of simple intervals and complicated rhythms. The tones comprised in the songs are limited in number, many of the songs con- taining only three or four tones, except as the number is extended by repetition in a lower octave; the variety of rhythms is great, as will be seen in the transcriptions. Accidentals rarely occur in the songs. An accidental in the opening measures of a song is worthy of little consideration, as in many instances the introductory measures are sung only once, and the singer is allowed some freedom in them.
The rhythm of the song is determined by noting the accented tones and dividing the song into measures according to them.
By observation we find that in many of the songs the metric unit is the measure, not the individual count in the measure. In these instances the accented measure beginnings are found to conform to a very slow metronome beat, but the intervening tones are irregular in length and can not be accurately indicated by note values. These songs would resemble chants except for the freedom of their melody progressions.
The next fact which we note in connection with the rhythm is that it is most peculiar in songs which are intended to produce magic and mysterious results. In this class are included songs for the healing of the sick as well as songs used in connection with special "medicine" for success in hunting or other undertakings. In many of these songs there is no repetition of a rhythmic unit, but the entire song consti- tutes a rhythmic unit, its repeated renditions forming a satisfactory whole.
There are other songs in which two or more measures of varying lengths combine to form a rhythmic unit , which is repeated throughout
dbnsmorb]
CHIPPEWA MUSIC 19
the song. One measure occasionally constitutes the rhythmic unit, ■ which is continuously repeated.
The rhythm is simplest in the songs used while "shooting" a can- didate for initiation into the Mlde'wlwm. In these songs there is only one object— that the person shall fall unconscious, showing that he is "entirely controlled by the medicine." The rhythm of these songs is an emphatic regular rhythm. When it is desired that a person be energized to some great undertaking the rhythm is irregular but so fascinating in its irregularity that it holds the attention. This is what is always sought — to control the person.
The ni'miwug' (dancing songs) are always sung vibrato, with the wavering of voice which would be produced by the motion of the body in dancing. This wavering of the voice is inseparably con- nected with the song. In all Mlde' songs there is a tendency toward uncertainty of intonation. Repetitions of the same tone usually shade downward, and the transition from one tone to another is fre- quently glissando. By a strange contrast it is found that accidentals, when present, are usually given clearly and correctly. With very few exceptions, the repetition of a song is begun on exactly the same pitch as the first rendition. This frequently involves the ascent of a twelfth and is often made more difficult by the fact that the song ends on a tone below the natural range of the singer's voice. Thus the song as a whole preserves its tonality and repetitions are accu- rately begun, although the individual tones of the song may be uncer- tain in intonation. This suggests the possibility that these variations in intonation may be an attempt at ornamentation. The melodic material is extremely limited and this wavering of the voice may seem to add to the effectiveness of the song.
A few points concerning the song as a whole deserve our attention. The repetition of a song is usually continuous with the previous ren- dition, although a half rest occasionally occurs between the rendi- tions. The repetition of a song frequently opens with a new word and the melody returns to the fifth or sixth measure of the original rendition. Repetitions of a song by different singers are found to be identical in all important respects.
Unimportant phrases near the .close of the song frequently vary in number. They are usually reiterations of a word and the exact number seems not essential.
An Indian rarely hums a Mlde' song before singing it into the phonograph and the accuracy of his memory is shown by the fact that the song in repetition is never changed in rhythm, the changes, when they occur, being in unimportant note values or melodic pro- gressions.
In summarizing the preceding chapter we find the songs of the Mlde' to be essentially a musical expression, the form of the words being subordinate to the form of the melody.
20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 45
The drum and voice are usually independent in metric units, the drum being a rapid unaccented beat and the voice having a rhythm which bears a relation to the mental concept of the song.
The intonation has been shown to be frequently variable for two reasons : First in imitation of the motion of the body in dancing, and second for the apparent purpose of ornamentation.
No effort has been made by the writer to secure the "bad medicine songs" or songs of cursing. One who has heard a large number of these songs states that they are terrible in their maledictions and represent a phase of life and thought which it were better to leave untouched. They are the weapons of defense in the Mide', and all that is believed to have been wrought through them will ever be an unwritten page.
Use of Medicine
The power of the Mide' is exerted through a combination of two mediums, music and medicine. The former has been set forth in detail; the latter is less available for analysis, but certain informa- tion concerning it has been secured.
The medicine and medicine practice of the Mide' should be dis- tinguished from that of the dja'sakid, who are doctors or jugglers. That they may also be members of the Mide'wiwin does not change the fact that the two professions are distinct.
The use of medicine in connection with the Mide' is as follows : Each member of the Mide'wiwin carries in his Mide' bag many herbs and other substances supposed to have medicinal value, in addition to the mi'gis (small white shells used in the Mide'). If a cure of the sick is desired he frequently mixes and sells a medicine after singing the song which will make it effectual.
In the working of a charm it is considered necessary to use both the proper song and the proper medicine. For that reason a small quantity of the medicine is furnished to a person who buys such a song. To accomplish the desired results this medicine should, if possible, come in contact either with the person to be influenced, with some of his personal possessions, or with a small wooden effigy, which the person working the charm makes for the purpose. The medicine may consist of one or more ingredients and may be of greater or less value. Certain herbs enter into the composition of many medicines, while others are rare and difficult to obtain.
In the working of a love charm it is customary to obtain a thread from the clothing of one of the persons to be affected, or, if possible, a loose hair. Two small wooden effigies are made, one representing a man, the other a woman, and the person working the charm binds these together with the thread or hair. The effigies are then placed in a small bag, with some of the proper medicine. This bag
DEMSMOitE] CHIPPEWA MUSIC 21
is worn around the neck of the person working the charm, who fre- quently sings the song which is supposed to make the charm effective.
If the intention is to work an evil charm the method of procedure is somewhat similar. An effort is made to secure some personal possession, to which the medicine is applied; if this is impossible, the medicine is applied to a wooden effigy of the person, and the man working the charm sets this figure before him as he sings the songs of cursing. The medicines used in connection with these songs are said to be powerful and subtle vegetable poisons.
It is believed that if a Mlde'wml'nl has in his possession any article belonging to a person he can work at any time whatever charm he likes upon that person. It is said that the singer breathes upon his medi- cine bag before working a charm.
A detailed account of the use of medicine in connection with cer- tain songs is given at the close of this section.
One of the songs used at the dance which follows a Mide' ceremony expresses the idea of a contest between two members of the Mide'- wlwin to determine whose medicine is the stronger, the result of the contest to be determined by the effects produced by the two medicines.
The strength of his medicine is the measure of the power of a Mlde'wml'nl.
Origin
Narrative by Na/waji/bigo/kwe (" woman dwelling among the rocks")o
The Chippewa believe in many manido7, or spirits. The highest of them all is called Kijie/ manido7, literally translated, "Uncreated Spirit." Those connected with the Mide7 are (1) Mi.de7 manido7, the Mide7 spirit, and (2) four manido7, one at each point of the compass. These are called Wab.ununk7daci7 manido7, the East spirit; Ca7wanunk7daci7 manido7, the South spirit; Ningabi7anunk7daci7 manido7, the West spirit; and Kiwe7dlnunk7daci7 manido', the North spirit. In the Mide7 it is also the belief that there are four ''layers" beneath the earth and four above the earth. These ''layers," or planes, are distinct from each other.
Originally all the inhabitants of the earth (Chippewa Indians) who were to learn the Mide7 lived on Madeline island, in Lake Superior, and in that portion of the country. They were selected by the Mide7 manido7 to be taught the Mide7 religion.
There was first a consultation among the four manido7 (East, South, West, and North). This took place at the center of the earth, not under the earth, but at some place far away. There they sat together and talked and decided to teach the MT.de7 to these particular Indians.
So the East manido7 was selected to go among these Indians and teach them. Before he left the others he told them that they must get everything ready and decide exactly how the Mide7 should be taught to the Indians. Of course the East manido7 could not approach the Indians in his spirit form, so he was born of an old woman who had lived with her husband all her life but had had no children. This old couple lived on Madeline island.
a The narrator is a prominent member of the Mlde'wtwln on the White Earth reservation in Minnesota. The narrative was interpreted by Mrs. Mary Warren English, sister of William Warren, the author of "History of the Ojibwa," and is given in the exact words of the interpreter. An Indian who is familiar with the Mide' traditions on the Bois Fort reservation states that this is substantially the belief held there concerning the origin of the Mlde'.
22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 45
The people were astonished and said, "He must be a wonderful person to be born in this way," so both mother and child were treated with great respect.
He was indeed a wonderful child. Whatever he said came true. He would say to his father, "Go and get a bear," and his father would find one without any diffi- culty. It was no effort at all for the family to get enough food. The child grew up rapidly, and when he was a young man he had as his friend and companion one who was his mother's brother's son — his cousin.
When he grew up he began to consider, "I must begin to instruct these Indians in the Mider; that is the purpose for which I came."
After thinking this over he said to the old man, his father, "We will go on a journey to the end of the lake;" his mother went with them. The point to which they went was not where Duluth now stands, but was where Superior is located. This was the location of the old town of Fond du Lac.
They reached this place and stayed four days. On the fourth day a terrible storm came from the northeast, sweeping across the lake. During the storm the East manidc/ said to his father and mother, "My cousin at Madeline island is very ill; we must go back."
His father said, "It is impossible to even put the canoe on the water in such a storm."
Then the East manido/ said, "Put the canoe on the water, and the waves will at once subside."
As soon as his father put the canoe on the water the storm subsided.
It was about noon when this happened, and the distance to Madeline island was about 80 miles, but they paddled so fast that they reached there before sundown. When they arrived they found that the cousin had been dead four days, but the body had been kept so that they could see him.
The East manido' told his father and mother and their friends not to weep for the young man. Then the next morning he told the people to make a long lodge extend- ing east and west, such as is now used for the Mide'. He showed them how to make it with the top open and the sides of birch bark and leaves, and he said that they must all bring tobacco and cooked food. In the center of the lodge he placed a Mkle' pole, and told the Indians to sit in rows around the lodge; he also made a Mide' drum and rattles, such as are still used.
West of the pole and a few feet away he placed the hewn coffin of the dead man; on the south side of the lodge he seated the relatives and friends.
Then he told his father to take the Mide' drum and sing.
The old man said, "I do not know how to sing."
His son said, "Just try; make the effort and you will be able to sing."
Then the East manido/ spoke to the parents of the dead man and to his own parents, saying, "I am about to leave you. I will be absent four days. You must stay here continuously and do every day as I have told you to do to-day." The old man promised to sing the Mide' songs and do everything as he had been told to do.
Then the East manido' took vermilion paint and also blue paint and made marks across the faces of the parents of the man and also his own parents — streaks across their foreheads, the lowest red, then blue and red alternately. Then he started away and said he would return on the morning of the fourth day. He went through the air toward the eastern sky. They could see him go.
After he had disappeared the old man took the Mkle' drum and sang more and more MIde/ songs. They came to him one after another. He was assisted by his son. Even while his son was absent he directed him spiritually.
During the four days that the East manido/ was absent the sun shone constantly. There was not a cloud and the wind did not blow.
On the morning of the fourth day they looked toward the east and saw the sky streaked with colors like those he had painted on their foreheads. The Indians all looked in that direction with expectation.
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CHIPPEWA MUSIC 23
All this time the old man had been drumming and singing.
A little before noon they heard a peculiar sound in the sky. It was from the cast. Some one was calling Wa, hi hi, hi, as they call in the Mide/ ceremony. They watched the sky and saw four Indians walking toward them in the sky, giving this call. Each Indian had a living otter in his hand.
The East manido/ came down to the MIde' inclosure, lifted the drapery, and allowed the others to pass in. The four manido/ came in and took their stand at the east end of the lodge. A little beyond the center was the coffin of hewn logs, in which lay the body of the young man, who had now been dead eight days.
The four manido/ held the otters with the right hand near the head and the left hand below. These otters were their medicine bags.
The East manido/ stood first in the line. He began to sing, went halfway to the coffin, blew on his medicine bag, and shot from there toward the coffin. Then the top of the coffin burst open, and the East manido' marched around the lodge and took his place at the end of the line.
Then the next one, the South manido', did exactly as the East manido' had done. When he had shot, the young man opened his eyes and breathed. Then the South manido' took his position at the end of the line.
Next came the West manido'. When he had shot, the young man raised up and looked at the manido'.
Last came the North manido/ and when he had shot the young man rose up entirely well in every respect.
Then these four manido' began to talk to the Indians, and to tell them that this was the method by which they were to treat the sick and the dead, and that the East manido' would instruct them in all they were to do.
Then these manido/ told the Indians that they would never see them again. The manido/ would never come to earth again, but the Indians must offer them gifts and sacrifices, which would be spiritually received. They must always remember that the Mlde/ was given to them by the manido'.
The East manido' taught them the religion of the MIde' and put souls in their bodies and arranged how these souls should live in the next world. A great many times some of these MIde' people have a trance in which they follow the spirit path and see their dead friends. They also receive messages in dreams. They are especially liable to do this when sorrowing for their friends.
It is told to MIde' members that about halfway to the Spirit Land there is a punish- ment place where fire burns out all that is evil in them. Sometimes there is so little left of the person that he turns into a frog. There are many little frogs in that place, but the good pass through it unharmed. This is the only phase of punishment taught, except that if a person dies while drunk he will remain drunken forever and his punishment will be an eternal and unquenchable thirst.
Those initiated into the MIde' are instructed how to lead a good life. These instruc- tions are given only to the members. Less heed is paid to the instructions than in the old days, but very sick people are still restored by means of the MIde7.
The narrator stated further that she had taken four degrees in the society and received four great instructions, and that she tried to live according to them. She stated that she "could blow on her medicine bag and produce evil results upon those who displeased her, provided they were not of the MIde';" she "would be powerless against a member of the Mide'wiwin." She "would not, however, exert this evil power, for it would displease the MIde' manido'. Some do this and it always reacts in evil upon themselves."
24 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY t bull. 45
Such is the story of the Mide', which the Chippewa believes that he received from the manido' who came to him from the morning sky.
Description of Diagram Representing the Path of Life
In the explanation of this diagram0 (fig. 3) the usual custom of retaining the exact words of the interpreter has been followed. The description is as follows:
This diagram represents the path of life from youth to old age, the tangent which appears at each angle representing a temptation. There are seven of these tempta- tions.
The first tangent represents the first temptation which comes to a young man. If he yields to it he will not live long.
The second tangent represents the second temptation, and the penalty for this also is that he will not live long.
With the third temptation the element of religious responsibility appears, and the man (supposedly a member of the MmVwIwin) is asked: "How did you act when you were initiated into the Mide'wiwin? Were you respectful to the older members, and did you faithfully fulfill all obligations? "
The fourth tangent is placed beyond the angle of the line. It represents a tempta- tion coming to a man in middle life.
Fig. 3. Mide' diagram of the path of life.
With the fifth temptation the man begins to reflect upon his own length of days, and asks himself: "Have you ever been disrespectful to old age?"
The sixth temptation returns to the religious idea, and asks whether all religious obligations have been fulfilled.
The seventh temptation is said to be the hardest of all, and if a man can endure it he will live to the allotted age of man. At this time an evil spirit comes to him, and if he has even so much as smiled during a Mide/ ceremony, he must reckon with it then.
The word "temptation," as used in this connection, implies pri- marily a trial of strength and motive. There seems a significance in the fact that, with the exception of the first and last, these tan- gents occur after an angle or turn in the line, suggesting that some sharp turn in the life of the man is followed immediately by this testing of his character.
Initiation Ceremony of the First Degree
The following description of an initiation ceremony is compiled from statements made by several members of the Mide' wl win, all of whom belong to the Mille Lac band of Chippewa, but are now living on the White Earth reservation. The entire account has been veri-
a Drawn by the elder Maifi'ans, the explanation being interpreted by Mr. John C. Carl, a graduate of Haskell Institute.
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MAIN'ANS
ULLETIN 45 PLATE 4
WA'WIEKUM'IG
DENSMOftB] CHIPPEWA MUSIC 25
fied, being translated into Chippewa and pronounced correct by members of the Mlde'wrwhi.0
The ceremony described is that of initiation into the first degree. Initiation into the second degree differs slightly from the first, and initiation into the higher degrees is said to be different from the lower degrees in many important respects; yet it is possible for per- sons to be initiated into different degrees at the same ceremony. It is also possible for a person to take two or even more degrees at the same time, but this requires large gifts and extended instruc- tion and is seldom done.
The first duty of the novitiate is to notify the old man whom he desires as leader of the ceremony. This man consults with the novi- tiate and selects four others to assist in the ceremony of initiation. These do not usually hold as high degrees as the leader, but they are expected to give part of the instructions and are familiar with the duties of their office. A man is also selected to act as herald and general director of the ceremony. This officer is called oc'lcabe'wis.
The first duty of the oc'kabe'wls is to announce the ceremony to the members of the Mlde'wlwm and invite them to attend. He carries tobacco, notifies the people that the ceremony is to be held, tells them to smoke the tobacco, and also mentions, in the order of their importance, the persons who will take part in the ceremony.
At the appointed time the people move their lodges and camp near the place where the ceremony is to be held.
The initiators and the friends of the candidate have been prepar- ing for the ceremony and have built the sweat lodge. This is built wherever desired, and there is no prescribed direction for its opening. Four poles are used in its construction, as the candidate is to be initiated to the first degree. Six poles would be used if the second degree were to be taken. These four poles are firmly planted in the ground at points corresponding to the four corners of a square. The poles diagonally opposite are then fastened together, forming the framework of the roof, the binding together of the two poles into one symbolizing the lengthening of life, which is accomplished by means of the Mide'. Sheets of birch bark are spread over the poles to form the sides and roof. "
The first ceremonial act on the part of the initiators consists in entering the sweat lodge. A fire is built outside the entrance. Stones
o Accounts of the ceremony were given by two Chippewa bearing the same name, but not related to each other. These were Maifi'&ns ("little wolf"), an aged man (see pis. 3, 6) who is most desirous that his native beliefs shall be correctly interpreted to his white brethren, and Maifi'ans, a younger man, who retains with remarkable accuracy the details of the ceremony as it was given in the old days at Mille Lac.
Wa'wiekum'ig (''the round earth") (see pi. 4) and his wife Na'waji'bigo'kwe ("woman dwelling among the rocks ") are members of the MIde'wI win in high degrees and have given valuable assistance in explaining the songs and symbols; also Jiwa'blkito' (''resounding metal"), who holds the fourth degree, and De'- luvawi'n'dunk ("eating noisily"), plates, who holds the sixth degree, in the Mlde'wlwln. Supplementary information has been received from all the singers of Hide' songs.
26 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 45
are heated and laid in the center of the lodge and frequently sprinkled with water by means of a wisp of brush, the steam enveloping the bodies of the men. It frequently happens that one or two women are among those who are to assist at the initiation. They do not enter the lodge but stand outside, joining in the songs. Mide' songs are sung in the sweat lodge, and the mltl'gwaklk' (Mide' drum) is used. The leader of the entire ceremony is usually the leader in the sweat lodge also. There is no prescribed length of time for remain- ing in the sweat lodge, but several days are allowed for this portion of the ceremony, at least four days being allowed if four men hold- ing high degrees are in attendance.
On the first evening and on each succeeding evening before the initiation the men who are to assist in the ceremony sing in their lodges, and all who desire may enter the lodges and dance. The leader of the entire ceremony sings first in his lodge, drumming on his mitl'gwaklk'. The man next in importance answers from his lodge, and when he has finished the other men who are to take part in the initiation sing in their lodges in the order of their importance, "to show how glad they are that this person is to join the Mkle'wrwm." Then they all sing together, each his own song in his own wigwam.
Each Mlde'wmfni has his own set of songs, some of which he has composed and some of which he has purchased for large sums of money or equal value in goods. It occasionally happens that two men have the same song, but this is a coincidence. It is not permis- sible for one man to sing a song belonging to another unless he has purchased the right to sing it. The songs owned by individuals are those connected with the use of medicine, and when a man buys a song he receives some of the medicine for use.
During the evenings which precede the initiation oeremony it is cus- tomary for members of the MIde'wrwm to enter the lodges of the lead- ers and ask for instruction or information regarding the Mide'. For this purpose a person would go, if possible, to the Mlde'wml'nl who initiated him, as the men always take an interest in those whom they have initiated and require smaller gifts from them. The person desir- ing such assistance takes a kettle of food or some other gift, enters the lodge while the man is singing, and waits until he finishes the song, thereupon placing the gift before him and asking the desired instruction or advice, which is willingly given. One who does not wish to ask a favor may enter any lodge and dance without pre- senting a gift.
The following is an example of the songs which the Mkle'wml'nl sing in their lodges during the evenings preceding the initiation ceremony. Other songs for similar use are given at the close of this chapter. It should be remembered that the songs given in connec- tion with this ceremony are representatives of a class and not obligatory.
densmore]
CHIPPEWA MUSIC 27
This song was sung by O'deni'gun ("hip bone"), an old man who is said to be especially skilled in the use of medicine. In connection with the song he gave the following narrative:
There was once an old man who was a member of the Mide'wiwin, and knew the use of all kinds of medicines and their songs. This old man had a nephew to whom he taught the songs and the use of the medicines. The young man's name was Awi'- hinedjaV, and he was anxious to become very powerful. After a time the' old man said: "My nephew, I can teach you no more; you know all that I know and now you will be a leader of the Mide'wiwm." But the young man was not satisfied. He brought many presents to his uncle in order that his uncle might try to remember still more.
The old man said: "You are certainly very determined," and the young man replied, "I know it."
The old man said: "My nephew, if you are as determined as this you will find out whatever you desire. Come with me."
Then the old man took his nephew far into the woods saying: "We are going where there is a river." So they walked on and on until they came to a rocky gorge. They stood at the edge of the cliff, and looking down they saw a river far below them. There were trees beside the river, but the cliff on which they stood was far above the tops of the trees.
Then the old man said: "Jump down to the river," and the young man jumped down, crashing through the tree tops and falling dead upon the rocks below. His body was so crushed that it was not like a human body any more.
Four bears came and walked around his body, singing this song. When the young man regained consciousness he heard the bears singing; when he opened his eyes he saw the bears walking around him, and when they had walked around him four times he rose up strong and well.
Then the four bears began to walk up the cliff and the young man followed th'em. The four bears and the young man walked up the sheer face of the cliff as though it were level ground. At the top they found the old man waiting for them. .
"Now, my nephew," he said, "you are as great a medicine-man as I."
So Awi'hinedja' became a teacher and leader in the Mlde'wiwm.
No. 1. Song of the Four Bears (Catalogue no. 189)o
Sung by O'deni'gun
Analysis. — This song follows closely the intervals of the fourth five-toned scale b and is sung with the vibrato which characterizes the dancing songs of the Mide', making the in- tonation somewhat indistinct.^ A compari- son between the metric units of voice and drum
shows that 3 metric units of the voice are ap- ing shows the men emerging
, , . ., j. ,i from the wigwam and also
proximately equal to 2 metric units ot the standing at the edge of the
dl'Um. This Suggests the rhythm Commonly Cliff. In a similar manner the
... . ,,, ,, i , ,i • progress of a narrative is fre-
known as "two against three, .but the voice- qi,entiy sh0Wn in a Mide'
pulses are grouped in double measures with drawing.
a The catalogue numbers used throughout this paper correspond respectively with the numbers designating the phonograph records of the songs, which are preserved in the Bureau of American Ethnology.
b See p. 7.
28
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
tBI'l.L. 4;
few exceptions, and there is no coincidence between voice and drum. The 3-4 measures are unmistakable in rhythm and occur in both ren- ditions of the song. A strong feeling for the submediant is evident in this melody.
The song closes with the exclamatory phrases which characterize the Mide' songs and which can not be accurately transcribed. The notation will, however, give an idea of this peculiarity.
Voice M. M. J = 168 Drum M. M. J =104 ( Drum ia unaccented eighth notes)
fc2zE
B=F
w^m
A -wi-hi-ne- dja ha ni
m
9 •=*
ma ha a - wi-hi-ne - dja
Kt^_4 Nzfe
^==^4^=^^l-4=g==F*="^4^
t=£n=±
d&k
ha ni - wi - tlo-
ma a wi ha ni
wi - do-i
PTE P P
^
P=Pti— # (Z
m
&=j=t=:4=U
tcz^J
hi we na hi de - mu
wi hi na a - wi-hi-ne -dja
-P-*-P-
m
i=t
^=£=^
ha ni - wi-do-se - in a a wi ha ni - wi-do-se - ma
E^^M^
|
n — f* |
r^ Is ~fc |
^F3~=] 1 |
|||
|
^V |
-H IJ J |
=s-5k-j-!--JL- |
-m^m-^d— |
||
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1 * |
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II |
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hi |
* * • we na |
tod |
fti ?/i! ?oa Til yrt Drum |
||
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1 | |
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4 m |
^ 4 |
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Drum-rhythm Drum J =104
~
Se
Awi'hinedja' (Man's name)
Ni'widos'ema I am walking with him
In'ade'rnusa' Alas! Alas!
DENSMORB] CHIPPEWA MUSIC 29
After all have been in the sweat lodge a council of. the initiators is called by the leader. This is held for the purpose of deciding what part each is to take in the initiation ceremony. The person to be initiated is present at this council.
The council may be held in any of the lodges. The leader sits at the left of the entrance; beside him is his miti'gwakhV, and before him is spread a blanket, given by the person to_ be initiated as a part of the prescribed offering. The candidate for initiation sits at the right of the leader; at the opposite side of the lodge sit the other four initiators, while the oc'kabe'wis comes and goes as needed.
When all are assembled a discussion is held as to who will be best adapted to certain parts of the ceremony. One man is selected to be the first to "shoot" the candidate for initiation. This man is called ne'mita' 'matin! — a special word which can not be literally trans- lated; he was said to be "like the man who sits in the bow of the boat to watch which way the boat is going." The next person to be selected is the man who is to be the last to "shoot" the candidate for initiation. This man is called we'daked' , and is said to be "like the steersman who sits in the stern of the boat and guides it."
After these two have been selected the leader turns to the ne'mita'- maun' and says, "You have been appointed by us; do as you think best in the performance of your duties; we do not command you, for we respect you and have confidence in your ability." He then extends his hands over him and places the miti'gwakik' before him.
The ne'mita'maufi' then sings as many songs as he likes, the person to be initiated rising and dancing before him as he sings.
When the ne'mita'maufi' has finished singing he turns to the man next him and says, " NiMn (my MMe' brother), there must be some- thing in you since you were chosen to take part in this ceremony." He strikes the miti'gwakik' three times, saying ho ho ho, and hands it to the man next to him, who sings as he has done and, in turn, passes the drum to the man who sits next to him.
The men of lesser importance are expected to do little except sing a few songs.
This council takes a long time and after it is finished the leader has no further responsibility, though he may be consulted by those to whom he has delegated authority.
M ain'ans stated that when he was one of the initiators he sang the following song, which was taught him by the old man who initiated him into the Mide'wiwm. In explanation of the song he said that a manido' came to teach the Mide' to the Indians, and at that time stopped on a long point of land which projects into Lake Superior at Duluth. The song refers to this incident. (See p. 22). The person to be initiated would not dance during this song.
30
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 45
No. 2. SONG OF THE MANIDO' (Catalogue no. 238)
Sung by Main'ans ("little wolf ")
Voice J =152 Drum J — 1 52 ( Druin-rhythm similar to No. 1 )
-0- -•- -• • -#- • • _ _ _ _ ^
m^m^¥^mm-
g-f^-f^
?=p:
\EM
Na-wai - i he he nl ml si nun na-wai - i he he nl mi si
nun na-wai
/ie /ie nl ml si nun na-wai
he
mmmmmmm&&mm
ml st nun na-wai
he he nl ml si nun na-wai - i he
/te nl mi si
ntm na-wai
Ae /te nt mi si
gJF^-^
• — i — » s — i — • • n
ni - bi
- ha - wi - yan e - na - wai
Nawaii' On the center of a peninsula
Ni'bawiyan' I am standing
Analysis. — This song is melodic in structure, begins on the twelfth and with one exception contains only the tones of the fourth five-toned scale, the most frequent interval of progression being the minor third The notes marked (• were slightly prolonged in all the renditions. This prolonging of the tone was uni- form but not sufficient to be indicated by a note value. Attention is directed to the fact that with the introduction of the second word the melody does not begin an entire repetition but soon returns to a point near the opening of the song, the remainder of the melody being the same as in the first.
The following song is similar to no. 2, except that the person to be initiated would dance during this song. It may also be sung in the Mide'wigan (lodge in which the ceremony is held) after the initiation.
densmore]
CHIPPEWA MUSIC
No. 3. Dancing Song
Sung by Main'ans
31
(Catalogue no. 239)
Voice ^— 108 Drum ^=108 ( Drum in quarter notes )
wi-£ran-e
Ho wi-gan-e ho wi-gan-e ho wi-gan-e
h<>
wi-gan-
ho wi-gan-e
ho wi-gan-e ho wi-gan-
Sgiieiii
i=t=t«:
:p=p:
i I i r
l
v-*— ^
ho
wi-gan-e
\*h
ho wi-gan-
wi-gan-
1=^Ft
=«:2i^
«^a
ho
o-go-tci - tci -yan -e
wi-gan-
ho wi-gan-
m&
-*=W
-f rr ^-*
-*—(*-
-P J d X
I!
fc0
wi-nan -e
wi-gan - e
^te^^^^^^^^-js^g^EEa
Ao wi - sran - e
ho wi-gan - <
ho
wi-gan
j^s^^ai^Ei^^
snn
wi-gan - e
,'i-gau - e
wi-gan - e ho
O'gotcitci'yane' , In form like a bird
Siwa'wigane' It appears
Analysis. — This song is based on the second five-toned scale.0 It begins on the octave and the principal interval of descent is the minor third. The long note at the beginning of the measure is often slightly prolonged. The metric unit of voice and drum is the same, but the voice deviates somewhat, while the drum is maintained with mechanical regularity. This song is given with the peculiar vibrato which characterizes the Mide' dancing songs.
a See p. 7.
32
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL.
Before initiation the candidate is taken into the woods by the initiators and given an "instruction," each man talking to him for a long time. Only one such instruction is given to a candidate for the first degree, the number of instructions corresponding to the degree to be assumed. In the first degree the instruction is chiefly of a moral nature, the candidate being enjoined to lead a virtuous and upright life. He is taught also the names and uses of a few simple herbs which he . is expected to secure and carry in his Mlde' bag. He may find these herbs for himself or procure them from some other member of the order. In the higher degrees the instructions pertain to the mysteries of the Mlde', the properties of rare herbs, and the nature of vegetable poisons.
During the days which precede the ceremony it is cus- tomary for the leading members of the Mide'wrwfn to hold preparatory meetings. Any man may prepare a feast and invite others to attend, each guest bringing a pan or plate in which he carries away a portion of the food. At the close of such a meeting the host rises and says, "We will all sing and dance before you go." The principal guest lifts his pan of food, then all rise and sing the following song, the words of which mean "I am raising it up." This refers to the pan of food, which is considered to be offered to the manido'. The same song could be sung if a sick person were to be treated by the Mlde' and were present in the lodge. The words would then be understood as refer- ring to the sick person.
After the singing and dancing the principal guest leads and all folio1 1>" ».s he walks around the lodge and out of the door.
Song picture no. 3. It is in- teresting to note that the drawing sug- gests the skele- ton of a bird rather than a living bird.
No. 4. Preparatory Song (Catalogue no. 190)
Sung by 0/deni/gun Analysis.— This song moves freely along the tones of the fourth five-toned scale. The basis of the song consists of two major triads on G flat, one in the upper and one in the lower octave, with E flat as the passing tone, but the presence of A flat as an accented tone classifies the song as melodic rather than harmonic. We can not safely infer a chord unless more than one tone of it occurs in the melody, and there is no contiguous tone which can be associated with A flat in diatonic chord relation.
The chief musical interest of this song lies in the fact that the metric unit is the measure, not the individual part of the measure. There is no apparent relation between the metric units of voice and drum,
densmork]
CHIPPEWA MUSIC
33
A variation between the words as sung and the words accom- panying the translation will be found in many Chippewa songs. Many words are dismembered and have meaningless vowel sounds inserted between the syllables ; in many instances only a portion of a word is used, and the pronunciation is often changed. Throughout this work the words beneath the music are transcribed as given by the singer. The words translated are the correct Chippewa and a comparison between the two will show the changes made by the singer. Thus in the present instance it will be seen that the syllable liwe or wi is substituted for the two syllables nin-do, which are the beginning of the Chippewa word; the syllable hi is also inserted in the word. Meaningless syllables are italicized, whether inserted between parts of a word or between the words of the song.
Voice ^— 84 Drum J = 108 (Drum-rhythm similar to No. 1)
Nindona/giwina/ I am raising it (or him) up
On the day before the initiation a feast is given in his own lodge by the candidate for initiation. Invitations are delivered by the oc'kabe'wls, and most of the guests are women. A man is appointed leader of this feast, and when it is time for the guests to depart he leads in the singing of two songs, shaking his rattle as he sings. Anyone who knows these songs may join the leader in singing them.
During the first song the guests stand in a line, the leader being next the door, and they dance as they stand in their places, the dance step consisting in the rhythmic transference of the weight from one foot to the other. Each of these songs is sung only once.
Before singing the first song the leader might say, ' ' I have learned this song from an old man, and I will sing it as well as I can. " The words of the first song refer to the pan of food which each guest is allowed to take home with him.
12692
-Bull. 45—10-
34
BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 45
No. 5. "My PAN OF Food" (Catalogue no. 240)
Sung by Main'Ans Voice J = 126
Drum J = 92
(Drum-rhythm similar to No. 1)
=■ fL JL
**k ' ' ' ii£
Ha ni wa - kon i - na ha ha ha ha ha ha ni wa-kon . Voice J. = 88
ZzL?± 1 — — 1 1 ^^^-
na ha ni
wa - kon i - na
nin - do - na - gun e he ha ni wa- kon i - na ha ni
Harmonic analysis: -" "^
i^=^=m
Wa'kofi..--. On my arm
Ina' Behold
Nin'dona'gun My pan of food
Analysis. — This song is plainly harmonic in structure, as no. 5. The tjie melody tones follow the intervals of the major triad in Sr dish of the upper and lower octaves, the sixth being used as a
food, a; stated in the
song.
•s passing tone. Two renditions of the song were secured, each beginning with several measures in slower time.
CHIPPEWA MUSIC
35
The rhythm in these measures is uncertain and can be only ap- proximately indicated, but after the change of time the metric unit is marked by the pulse of the measure beginning, which is very regular.
Before singing the second closing song, the leader might say, "I will now depart and announce that the feast is ended. "
No. 6. "My Pipe
Sung by Main'ans
(Catalogue no. 241)
Voice J =108
Drum J = 96 (Drum-rhythin similar to No. 1 ) JL. -ft. ft., .ft. -ft. JL jk.
\m »-j-
?-*
■— •-!— •-
__^E^E^_^=^^JE|t«;
f=p:
*=**=
3=±
(*«
Nin - do - na - gi - ci - ma we nin - do - na - gi - ci - ma we hi f* -^ ft..
P ?' ft_
SF?=g=:Efe<=5-
nin- do - na - gi - ci - ma we nin - do na - gi - ci
~?-l 0 0^ • B~ • • - • •
=t==f
^3=^^±F
nin - do - na - gi - ci
nin - do - na - gi - ci - ma ft. _*_ -ft. ft_ _#. >7
we nin - do - na - gi - ci - ma we nm-do-pwa-gun e nin - do
Nindo'nagicima' I am raising
Nin'dopwa'gun My pipe
Analysis. — The singing of this song was preceded by very rapid drumming, the drum beats being in the value of sixteenth notes, at «T=144 (two drumbeats to each beat of the metronome at 144) ; with this rapid drumming the ejaculatory ho ho ho ho of the Mide' was given.
This song begins on the unaccented portion of the measure, which is somewhat unusual. The melody begins on the twelfth and follows the descending intervals of the fourth five- toned scale. The harmonic basis is the same as in the preceding song, but the use of the second as an accented tone places it (according to our present classification) among the songs whose structure is melodic rather than harmonic.
Song picture no. 6. The man raises his dish of food and also his pipe.
36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 45
At the close of this song the leader lays down his rattle, raises his hands with palms extended, and motions the people to follow him as he dances out of the lodge.
It is expected that those who have been invited to this feast will build the Mide'wigan (Mule' lodge), where the initiation ceremony is to be held. This is done soon after the close of the feast, and as so many are at work — some cutting the poles and others cutting brush or bringing dry hay — the building of the lodge requires only a short time.
Plate 5 shows a Mule' lodge with a ceremony in progress. At this ceremony Wa'wiekum'ig was advanced to a high degree. The struc- ture is made of a framework of poles interlaced overhead to form a roof whose arch suggests the dome of the sky. In unfavorable weather this framework is covered with branches. The size of the lodge varies according to requirement. It is usually from 50 to 100 feet long, 12 to 15 feet wide, and about 8 feet high. In the old days several hundred people attended the Mide'wiwin and the lodge at that time is said to have been so long that a person at one end could not hear voices at the other end and could judge the progress of the ceremony only by the sound of the drum.
For an initiation into the first degree the lodge (see fig. 4) extends east and west, with a door at each end. For an initiation into the fourth degree the lodge is built with four doors — east, west, north, and south. If necessary for warmth, two fires are made, one in front of each door. A large stone is placed a short distance west of the fire which burns near the eastern door. This stone symbolizes the power of the Mide' as a defense, one man stating that the Mide' is like a stone to throw at an enemy. West of the center of the lodge is the pole belonging to the person to be initiated and known as his medicine pole. If he is to take the first degree this pole is decorated with a narrow blue band at the top, below which there is a broad band of red, the remainder of the pole being unpainted. For an initiation into the second degree the pole is decorated with a broader band of blue, the width of the band of red remaining the same. It is also placed nearer the west door. For the third degree an effigy of a bird is placed near the top of the pole, for the fourth degree a cross- bar is placed in the same position, and for each succeeding degree there is a prescribed form of decoration.
On the day set for the initiation ceremony, just before sunrise, the oc'kabe'wis and the person to be initiated go to the lodge carrying on their backs the gifts which the latter will present to the initiators. They go around the lodge four times, enter the east door, and hang the gifts upon poles provided for the purpose. These gifts consist of blankets and cloth as well as tobacco and food. The oc'kabe'wis remains in the lodge to complete the arrangements.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 45 PLATE 5
INTERIOR VIEW
|
yi |
^ -^ |
|
^7 1 ?i"ft ii 11 M ' lii i if 1 \^SJJ |
|
|
2* ■■''''' |
EXTERIOR VIEW
MIDE' LODGE
These photographs were taken during a Mide' ceremony at Elbow Lake, White Earth reservation,
May, 1909
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 45 PLATE 6
MAIN'ANS AS LEADER OF A MIDE' CEREMONY
DBNSMOEB] CHIPPEWA MUSIC 37
Next a dog is killed for the feast. There is nothing ceremonial in either the selection or the killing of the dog; the latter takes place at some distance. The body of the dog is laid at the door of the lodge and the entire procession steps over it, after which it is carried away and cooked.
Early in the morning, before the hour set for the ceremony, the person to be initiated goes to the lodge again, accompanied by the leader, the four initiators, and the oc'kabe'wis.
The next event is the sending of the oc'kabe'wis with invitations to the members of the Mide'wiwin. These invitations are in the form of round sticks about the diameter of a lead pencil and about 6 inches long.
From one lodge to another the oc'kabe'wis goes, distributing the sticks to those members of the Mide'wiwin who are entitled to attend the ceremony. If a person has committed some offense against the society he is not included in this invitation. The oc'kabe'wis counts the sticks as he gives them out and returning reports the number to the initiators, who thus know the number who will be present at the ceremony. Only members of the Mide'wiwin are allowed to be present in the lodge during the initiation. This company of people have a leader appointed by the man in charge of the ceremony. They assemble a short distance from the Mide'wigan, each carrying his medicine bag, and an empty pan in which to carry away a por- tion of the feast. All are dressed in their finest except two who are called za'gimag', whose duties will be explained. At the proper time the leader moves toward the lodge followed by the company in single file. They march once around the lodge, singing the follow- ing song:
No. 7. Processional (Catalogue no. 54)
Sung by Be'cigwi'wizans ('striped boy ")
Analysis. — This song begins on the fifth of the key and ends on the fifth, having a range of one octave. The tempo is very rapid, and the song is marked by vigorous accents. The
0 , ^ Q
two words are repeated in each line of the song, /fnrrn-4e<--AT"' and pronounced very indistinctly. [K
At the eastern door the leader of the company SoNG PICTUKE N0- 7-
. . , The oblong represents
pauses and makes a plea to the Mide' manido ', the Mide'wigan. in with right hand extended and left hand shaking th° center is a lons
1 • l ci l \ rm • ii Pole on wnich are
his rattle, (bee pi. 6.) Ihree times he advances hung the gifts to be as though to enter and as many times withdraws as bestowed by the per-
i i • n mi i-i i-i son init'ated. The
though m tear, the fourth time he puts his head procession is entering and shoulders through the opening and looks the lodge. about as though in search of danger. Then he enters the lodge, fol- lowed by the company. Main'ans, the elder, stated that in this
38
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 45
entrance the leader impersonated the bear, who is intimately asso- ciated with the Mide'.
As the company march around the lodge the leader extends his hands toward the stone, the miti'gwakik', and the medicine pole. This is an act of reverence.
Voice J =108 Recorded without drum
nin-djiii- o - cka-na - ki wa
pin - di
Fv=P=
^M
fe*
mm
niu - djm - o
cka - ua - ki
pin - di -
- yan
m^
=f=p^
^EEEEBI
v— i — I — l
:p=ff=
E£Q=t
he
he e ha ni da ya
nin-djiii-o - cka-na -ki wa
pin-di- ge - yan
nin-djin-o - cka-na-ki wa
J=t
r Hi J~3 J J II
nin-djin. - o - cka-na - ki wa
pin - di - ge - yan
Nin'djlngocka'naki The ground trembles
Wapm'digeyan' As I am about to enter
While marching around the inside of the lodge the company sings the melody which was sung as they marched around the outside, the following words being substituted :
Cagwani/moyan/ My heart fails me
Wapln/digeyan/ As I am about to enter
Manido'wigan'm The spirit lodge
The company inarches around the lodge three times, and while making the fourth circuit they sit down wherever they like.
The diagram (fig. 4) shows the arrangement of the Mlde'wlgan and the position of its occupants during the ceremony. The oblong
densmore]
CHIPPEWA MUSIC
39
represents the lodge. At each side of the eastern entrance are two figures. The first pair are ''fiery dragons which disappear into the ground if the candidate has the proper offering;" the pair nearest the entrance are "servants of the MidV manido', who may refuse to admit the candidate if they are not satisfied with him." The foot- prints at the entrance indicate that the man who entered impersonated the bear. The candidate sits next to the eastern entrance; beside him are the leader and the oc'kabe'wis. The four initiators sit near the western entrance, on the north side of the lodge; their position is, however, not arbitrary. Along the sides of the lodge sit the mem-
£
tf?%
E »
4
JP
■: ^t *
4- W
Fig. 4. Diagraj
showing arrangement of MIde'wIgan during initiation ceremony of first degree. (Drawn by the elder Maifi'ans.)
bers of the Mide'wiwin. A fire burns near each entrance. The stone near the eastern entrance is shown, also the medicine pole and the pile of gifts beside it. The figure east of the pole shows the second position taken by the candidate for initiation; the dot west of the stone is where the drum is stationed during the initiation; the two dots east of the stone show the position of the drum after the initiation, at which time it is played by the old leader and the oc'kabe'wis; the four dots near the center of the lodge represent mi'gis and will be explained later. (See p. 48.)
The following song is sung after all are seated.
No. 8. Introductory Song (Catalogue no. 55)
Sung by Be'cigwi'wizans
Analysis. — The tempo of this song is even more rapid than the
preceding, the metric unit being the entire measure. It is based on
the major triad in the upper and lower octaves, with
U^4jjjA the sixth as a connecting tone, the sixth being more
prominent than in most songs of similar harmonic
structure.
After this song the invitation sticks are collected, counted, tied in a bundle and laid at the foot of the medicine pole.
Song picture No. 8. The gifts are again shown.
40
BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 45
Next a feast is served, each person receiving his or her portion in the pan brought for that purpose. At this feast the dog is served; portions of rice or other food may be carried away but it is required that all of the dog be eaten in the lodge.
Voice J -84 Recorded without drum
fl fl fl fl -'■
«=t
£
* -s> .
E=BJEPJ^IiB|
i§g!
A - i -gwu gi - wi - nil -de - wi - i - go ni - kan a - i -gwu
EHES3SE£
|3JifeE4iE££4T=P=m
• — m — &- &
gi - wi-uri - de - wi-i-go ni - kan a - i -gwu gi-wi-mi - de
i^^^^m^^^^^^^
i2=^ — i — ^ — M=z LI I i | -fz±t
wi-i-go ni - kan a - i-gwu gi-wi-ini-de -wi-i-go ni - kan.
AigwiY We are now
Giwi'mide'wiigo' To receive you into the Mide'wiwln
Nikan/ Our Mide' brother
Halfway down the lodge sit the za'gimag', whose faces are not painted.
The leader then dances around the lodge carrying the miti'gwakik'. He moves along the curves indicated in the diagram (fig. 5). After
N Fig. 5. Diagram showing course followed by leader during initiation ceremony of first degree.
encircling the lodge he leaves the miti'gwakik' in front of the two za'gimag', who begin to sing the ni'miwug' (dancing songs), during which any persons wTho wish may rise and dance in their places. There are a large number of these dancing songs and they are greatly enjoyed by members of the Mide'wfwln.
Main'ans, the younger, stated that he sang the following song when he was a za'gimag'. The words contain a reference to water. This reference occurs frequently in the Mide' songs; it will be noted that the water is usually represented as in action — bubbling, flowing, seething, or casting up the white Mule' shells.
CHIPPEWA MUSIC
41
No. 9. Song of the Za'gimag' (Catalogue no. 242) Sung by Main'ans
Voice J— 120 Drum J— 120 ( Drum-rhythm similar to No. 1 )
>- -#- +
o ho ho ho ho ho ho ho
wac - ke - a - bog
mttmmm^m^^m
ni - wa- ha-ha - wac-ke - a - bog o ho ho ni-wa-a-ac-
a -bog o ho ho ni-^
ke - a - bog o
dji-dji-wiifi e lie he
dji- dji-wufi
- wac-ke -a -bog o ho ho ni
WORDS
Niwa'wacke'abog' A bubbling spring
We'wendji'djiwmV Comes from the hard ground
Analysis. — This song is an excellent example of the manner in which ejaculations are interpolated into the Mide' songs. In portions of the song the rhythm is rigidly maintained. For instance, in the measures containing four quarter notes these notes are of exactly the same length, and the difference between the 3-4 and 4-4 measures is unmistakable, but in the fifth and sixth measures, where there is a repetition of the syl- lables, the rhythm is irregular.
The pulse of the drum is absolutely regular through- out. The peculiar succession of measure lengths gives an appearance of great rhythmic irregularity, yet the metric unit of the quarter note is, with the exceptions mentioned, quite regularly maintained.
Song picture no. 9. The course of the stream is shown.
42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 45
Other examples of the ni'miwug are given at the close of this chapter.
The za'gimag' then carry the miti'gwakik' around the lodge and place it west of the stone, where it remains during the rites of initiation.
The leader then encircles the lodge four times, with right hand extended, left hand shaking the rattle, and head bent forward; this being finished, the oc'kabe'wis takes down the gifts from the place where they have been hung; the blankets are folded and laid at the foot of the pole, care being taken to have them placed in the proper order for distribution, the other gifts being conveniently placed on the ground.
The person to be initiated is then escorted to the pole by the leader, moving along the dotted lines indicated in the diagram (fig. 6).
© r» ; ^
r-
E #
i r
N
Fig. 6. Diagram showing course followed by candidate, escorted by leader, in dance at MIde'
initiation ceremony of first degree.
He moves slowly at first, then very rapidly, ejaculating hi hi hi, and shaking his rattle.
The candidate is seated on the pile of blankets at the foot of the pole, facing the east.
While escorting the candidate to the pole the following song may be sung:
No. 10. Escorting the Candidate (Catalogue no. 237)
Sung by Main'ans
Analysis. — This song was sung three times, the transcription being from the third rendition; the others are identical in the pulse of measure beginnings and the outline of intervals, but vary slightly in unimportant note values.
This song is a particularly good example of a feature which char- acterizes the Mide/ songs and which has a direct bearing on the problem of musical development. The unvarying portion of the song is the pulse of the measure beginnings, which is uniform in all the renditions, while the pulse of the "counts" in the measures is not mechanically regular and more nearly resembles the rhythm of cere- monial speech. This suggests the possibility that the transition from
CHIPPEWA MUSIC
43
ceremonial speech to song may be by the adoption of large rhythmic pulses which are first made absolute, the rhythm of the intervening portions being less rigidly controlled and retaining the character of ceremonial speech.
Voice ^ . — 54
Drum J —92
( Drum-rhythm similar to No. 1 )
-•_ -*-•-#- -# • -0- -»-'-m- -0-
Mi-de-wi-ga - a-an gi-wa -ni - no - so he he he he ni
E£ee?=E=£
Sife
m
ka - a-an gi-wa-ni-no
ho ho
wa-ni-no - se he he ni-ka - a-an gi
wa - ni - no - se.
WORDS
Nikan' Our Mide' brother
Gi wa'ninose' You are going around
Mide'wigan The Mide' lodge
The rhythm of the drum is mechanically regular and its metric unit has no relation to that of the voice.
After escorting the candidate to the pole the leader summons the men previously selected to perform the rites of initiation. These men move along the northern side of the lodge and take their places at the south side of the eastern door, the man designated as ne'mlta'mauiY being first in the line and the man designated as we'daked' being last. Each of these men has a mi'gis (a small white shell used in the Mide') in his mouth. The ne'iru- ta'maun' then blows on his medicine bag and dances, standing in his place. He then walks toward the candi- date, ejaculating we ho ho ho ho! and extending his medi- cine bag with each ejaculation. As he reaches the can- didate he "shoots" him, thrusting the medicine bag toward him and ejaculating with great vehemence. It
Song picture no. 10. The candi- date for initia- tion is seen ap- proaching the medicine pole. The branches of the sapling are here shown in the drawing, though they are cut when the pole is in use. In this connec- tion they sym- bolize the life of the tree. (Com- pare drawings of songs nos. 44 and 55.)
is difficult to
44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 45
describe this ejaculation, which is not loud but very forceful, with a peculiar throbbing tone. It is exceedingly impressive, and the hearer can not fail to realize that the entire power of the speaker is being projected toward the person under treatment, whether that treat- ment be intended to remove some inner defect, as in the Mkle' ceremonies, or to cure some bodily ailment, as in the treatment of the sick.
When the ne'mita'maufi' "shoots" the candidate for initiation the man is said to feel the force of it in some part of his body and in- dicates his responsiveness by laying his hand on his shoulder, knee, or whatever part may be affected. The ne'mita'maufi' then passes along the northern side of the lodge and takes his place at the end of the line.
The mannexttohim does precisely what he has done, and is followed by the others, who in turn take their places at the end of the line. After each "shooting" the candidate indicates in what part of his body he feels the effect.
This "shooting" draws heavily on the resources of the person performing it and is very exhausting. A man often calls upon his brethren to assist him. They do not leave their places but are expected to exert their power in his behalf. A woman frequently finds herself unequal to the exertion, although she has been ap- pointed one of the initiators. In that case she may ask a man to take her place by doing the more exhausting portion of the work. She breathes on her medicine bag and hands it to him for his use. They move forward together, he walking close behind her, uttering the ejaculations and moving the medicine bag in the prescribed manner.
Before the we'daked', or the last of the initiators, moves toward the candidate, he may turn to the leader and say, "Now I will stir up the spirit that is in me ; I will stand and dance and I ask your assist- ance." He then dances in his place. In his hands he holds all four of the medicine bags and breathes on them that the power may be intensified to the greatest possible degree. He extends his right arm to its full length and moves toward the candidate, raising the medicine bags and bringing them down with the force of a heavy blow as he ejaculates wa a hi hi hi wa a hi hi hi!, throwing all the strength of his being into the motion and the rhythmic sound. Slowly he moves forward. It is the climax of the entire ceremony and the members of the MMe'wIwm wait in tense silence until the candidate falls prostrate on the ground, overcome by the "spirit power" of the initiators.
The following is an example of the song sung at this point in the ceremony. Other examples are given at the close of this chapter. A large number of these songs is available; the selection is made by the leader of the ceremony.
DEN* SMOKE]
CHIPPEWA MUSIC
45
No. 11. First Initiation Song (Catalogue no. 61) Sung by Be'cigwi'wizans Voice ,»? = 44 Drum J = 96 ( Drum-rhythm similar to No. 1 )
-&- -o- -0- -•- ■*- m -m- -•- -•- -*-
Wa sin-don-di-na -wa ha ni-kan i na wa sln-don-dl-na
-P- a r-P— •— • 0 — . f " f f £'—*—r-fs f2"
wa ha ii i - kan i na wa sm -don -di-ua - wa ha
• •— =-r-* f-
agn r i na
II
ni - kan i na wa sin-don-dl - na - wa ha ni - kan i na
Interpolation
1st rendition, after 6th measure
&g^EEg=^g
hi
2d rendition, last measure
B?=£
t^F
ioa hi hi hi hi
3d, 4th and 5th renditions, last three measures
J -=44
3 , — — 3-
§i±S
■19 • — • — • <9 <9 • — • — • (9 <9 • — • — • <9-
hi hi hi hi hi hi hi hi hi hi hi hi hi hi hi
Wasu' From a long distance
Nindon'dinawa' I am shooting
Nikan' My Mlde' brother
Analysis. — This song is sung during the actual "shooting" of the candidate and presents an exam- song picture no. n. pie of the combination of song and ejaculation which is used at this portion of the ceremony. Six renditions of the song are on the pho- nograph record and the interpolated syllables differ in the successive
46
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
renditions. In order to make this clear, the transcription of the song is followed by a transcription of these syllables. The metric pulse of the measure beginning is maintained throughout the ejacu- lations, although after the second rendition these syllables are given in triple time. This shows the pulse of the measure beginning to be clearly established in the mind of the singer. There is no relation between this and the metric unit of the drum.
After being "shot" by the we'daked' the person who is being initiated falls prostrate on the ground with arms extended. While he lies on the ground the four initiators gather around him, place their medicine bags on his back, and sing the following song:
No. 12. Second Initiation Song (Catalogue no. 62) Sung by BE'ciGwi'wrzANS
Voice J = 72 Deum J —92 ( Drum-rhythm similar to No. 1 )
ozm
mn
-I— ) — UJ-=1
Hi wi - ii a-
hi hi wi-na-ke ni hi wi-na-ke ni
hi hi wi-na-ke ni hi wi-na-ke ni hi ft£-wi - ua- ke ni
-• — £ — e — _ i _ r— r- J —
Sg£££EB^4
-*—*
s
i=rt=t=
izntz^zfist
hi wi - na - ke ni hi hi wi - na - ke ni hi wi- na - ke ni
WORDS
Wa/wina/ke I have shot straight
Analysis. — This melody begins on the fifth of the key and ends on the fifth, having a compass of one octave. It contains only the tones of the minor triad and the fourth. There is no relation between the metric unit of voice and drum.
Following this song the four initiators raise the candidate to a sitting posture and a mi'gis comes from his mouth. One of the initiators then takes the mi'gis and walks once around the lodge. Paus- ing near the candidate, he breathes on the mi'gis and extends it toward the east, breathes on it again and extends it toward the south, repeating the process and extending the mi'gis toward the west, north, and the zenith. This being done, the mi'gis is said to disappear again into the body of the person being initiated, who falls
Song picture no. 12.
;xsmore]
CHIPPEWA MUSIC
47
prostrate as before. While he lies prostrate one of the initiators fastens on his back a medicine bag corresponding to the degree he has taken. In the first degree this bag is made of the white skin of a weasel. The initiators then raise the candidate to his feet and with- draw to the eastern end of the lodge, the following song being sung:
No. 13. Third Initiation Song (Catalogue no. 63) Sung by BE'ciGwrViZANS
Voice J -80 Drum J -96 (Drum-rhythm similar to No. 1)
Ha bi - mi - ma-dwe
de - wi yan
|
„ a f: f~ -T-& , *-= "£ — r-f • a — rm s 1 |
|
-R-i — r — ^— ^ — — v — — f — r p ~r — 1 ^ ■ — > |
mi - ma - ha - dwe
li - mi - de - wa - yan e bi -
mi ma - ha - dwe - we
ni - ml - de - wa - yan
Bi'mimadwe'we There comes a sound
Nimkle'wayan' From my medicine bag
Analysis. — Beginning on the twelfth and moving freely along the descending intervals of the fourth five- toned scale, this song is purely harmonic in character. It begins on the unaccented portion of the measure and contains few interpolated syllables.
After this song the person who is being initiated takes his medicine bag and goes toward the four initiators, "shooting" first the we'daked', who sits down. After encircling the lodge he "shoots" the next in line, and so on until all are seated, the lodge being encircled after the "shooting" of each man.
When all are thus seated the person being initiated takes the gifts on his arm and presents the proper articles to the leader, the initia-
SONG PICTURE NO. 13.
48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 45
tors, and the oc'kabe'wis, personally thanking each for his share in the ceremony.
It is considered that after the distribution of these gifts the candi- date is fully initiated.
The next event is the showing of their mi'gis by the four men who have performed the initiatory rites. The leader requests them to do this. A blanket is spread on the ground east of the medicine pole, and a man is appointed to stand beside the blanket and receive the mi'gis. (Fig. 4 shows four mi'gis laid in the position indicated.)
The ne'mita'maun' leads the line of initiators. As they approach the blanket each man in turn makes a rasping noise in his throat and takes a mi'gis from his mouth. These shells are received by the man appointed, who lays them in order on the blanket. When all the mi'gis have been deposited there the ne'mita'maun' looks along the line to see that all are ready. The men are watching him, and at his signal they all replace the mi'gis in their mouths with a uniform motion.
After showing the mi'gis the initiators return to the mltl'gwaklk' and sing together. The ne'mita'maun' holds the stick and plays the drum first, the others shaking their rattles. Then he hands the stick to another of the group, and so on until all have played the drum. Four cici'gwan (rattles) are used in this portion of the cere- mony, no two having exactly the same tone. (See pis. 1, 2.)
The mitl'gwakik' is then removed to a position between the stone and the eastern entrance (see fig. 4) ; the leader takes his place at one side of it and the oc'kabe'wis at the other, the leader pounding the drum and the oc'kabe'wis shaking a rattle. When they begin to sing the members of the Mlde'wiwln sitting on the south side of the lodge spring to their feet, advance toward those on the north side, and "shoot" them with their medicine bags. The latter fall insensi- ble, but in a short time recover consciousness and advance toward those now seated on the south side, "shooting" at them with their medicine bags. These in turn fall insensible, and the "shooting" is continued until all present have been "shot" with the medicine. This ceremony of initiation usually lasts until late in the afternoon.
Meantime food is being cooked outside the lodge and when the "shooting" is finished this feast is served and anyone who likes may freely enter the lodge. This is the social feature of the event. Only members of the Mlde'wiwln are present at the initiation, but all the members of the tribe may share in the feast and the dance which follow. The nature of this feast is not prescribed. The dog was a feature of the ceremonial feast which took place in the early part of the ceremony. Food for this feast is provided by various members of the tribe and a portion is usually carried home by each person. According to custom, the old men are served first.
The following song is sung when the food and tobacco are brought in and placed before the leading members of the Mlde'wiwln:
DENSMORB]
CHIPPEWA MUSIC
49
No. 14. First Song of the Feast (Catalogue no. 65) Sung by Ki'tcimak'wa (" big beau ")
Voice & — 69
( Recorded without drum)
ni - kan- fig i hi nin - da - ca- m i-gog
9t^=^=JE|gj=j^=^^jg
ni - kan
he
^^^^m=^M
^
ni - kan ca - mi - gog
e he na ni-k&n-ug
e e nin-da- ca-mi- gog
he ni - kan-ug
hi na
Nikan'iig My Mide/ brethren
Nin'daca'migog' Have given me this feast
Analysis. — This is a particularly free melody, begin- ning on the second, ending on the fifth of the key, and having very little feeling for the fundamental chords of the key. The intonation usually falls on the second of two similar tones. The rhythm of the song is peculiar, the first five measures constituting a rhythmic unit. The repetition of this unit is regular throughout the song. A rhythmic unit regularly repeated suggests that a rhythmic idea or impulse may be the nucleus of the musical composition. It is of interest therefore to note the occurrence of the rhythmic unit in this series of songs
After the feast is served the following song is sung : 12692°— Bull. 45—10 4
Song picture no. 14. A hand is shown bestowing the feast, which the singer stretches u p his own hand to receive.
50
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 45
No. 15. Second Song of the Feast (Catalogue no. 66) Sung by Ki/tcimak/wa
Voice J =76 Recorded without drum
Ca - we - ni - nii - wa - ad ni - lean - tig e he he ca -
we-ni-mi-wa - ad ni - kan-tig e he he
sa^£^
x=t
*g-i i ' r kJ-^j^-F— p
r=P=
ZitZTt
we-ni-mi-wa -ad ni-kan-ug e he he ca - we-ni-mi -wa -ad ni-
kan-u
kan-ug e
Cawe'nimiwad' I have received great kindness
Nikan'ug From my Mide/ brethren
Analysis. — The phonograph record shows an interesting feature of this song which it is impossible to transcribe. On the second and third counts of each measure the tone is sounded slightly before the proper time, giving a peculiar effect of rhythmic irregularity. This may be due to the fact that no drum was used and that the drum is usually struck slightly before the metro- nome time. The voice may have unconsciously imitated the drum in this respect.
The joyful character of this melody presents a contrast to the serious ceremonial songs which pre- cede it. The tones are those of the fourth five- toned scale and the song is distinctly melodic in character.
After the feast is finished the men who have received gifts carry them to their own lodges with their portion of the feast; later they return to join in the dance, which is of an entirely social nature. At this dance a man may sing
Song picture no. 15. The Mlde'wlnl'nl holds in his hand the blankets and other gifts which he has re- ceived from the per- son initialed.
DHNSMOEB] CHIPPEWA MUSIC 51
his favorite "medicine song" and any others who know the same song may rise and dance. A great variety of Mlde' songs are used at this final dance.
When it is time for the company to disband, the four initiators stand together at the southeast corner of the Mide'wlgan, the ne'nn- ta'mauif at the head of the line. The music is very lively and everyone is in the best possible humor. The initiators are the first to leave the lodge, dancing out at the western door, followed by the company and the newly initiated person, the leader being the last to leave the lodge. The person who has been initiated takes with him the medicine pole and the stone, which are his personal property; these he carries to his lodge and makes a feast in their honor. After the feast he takes both the pole and the stone to some secluded place in the woods known only to himself. There he often goes, keeping the place clear of rubbish and undergrowth. The stone remains there always, but the pole may be removed by its owner for use in future ceremonies.
The person who has been initiated also retains as his personal property any songs which he can remember from hearing them sung during the ceremony, it being considered that his gifts to the leaders are sufficient to entitle him to these without further payment.
Each of the men who assisted at the initiation ceremony and received gifts is expected to make a feast after the ceremony and invite the newly initiated. At this feast he gives the newly initiated the mi'gis which he exhibited at the ceremony. Thus the initiated receives one mi'gis from each of the men who assisted at the . cere- mony. These he keeps in his Mide' bag, adding from time to time such medicines as he has learned to use.
Ceremony for a Dying Chief
An opportunity for the writer's personal observation of this cere- mony occurred in July, 1907, at Leech Lake, Minnesota, during the last hours of Nig an' mines' ("leading bird of prey"), the hereditary chief of the Pillager band of Chippewa. Nigan'ibines' was son of the famous chief Flat Mouth and was always known bj7 his father's name, which is used therefore in this description of the ceremony.
After the agency physicians in consultation had concluded that the old chief could live only a short time, he asked and was granted permis- sion that a Mide' ceremony be held in the hope of prolonging his life, or at least of making his last hours more comfortable. Accordingly preparations were begun and a man named Na'joi'se ("two persons walking ") was selected as oc'kabe'wis, or herald. It was decided also that the leader of the ceremony should be Ge'miwunac' ("bird that flies through the rain"), the oldest Mkle'wlnrnl on the reservation,
52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 45
almost totally blind, but supposed to be very powerful (see pi. 9). Invitations were sent to eight members of the Mide'wlwm. These invitations were in the form of round sticks, about 5 inches in length. Each member brought his invitation-stick with him, and prior to the ceremony the sticks were tied in a bundle and laid on the ground at the foot of the medicine pole.
For several days before the ceremony the Mlde'whil'nl sang with the Mide' drum in Flat Mouth's wigwam. The singing was also con- tinued at intervals throughout the entire night. The ceremony took place on the afternoon of July 24, 1907. Early on the morning of that day a Mide' lodge was made and Flat Mouth was taken from his wigwam, carried thither, and laid upon a bed of boughs shaded by small birch trees stuck into the ground. The inclosed space was about 60 feet long and 20 feet wide, with rounded corners. At the openings, at the east and west ends, blankets were hung between tall poles. The inclosure was formed of pine branches stuck into the ground and woven together, forming a barrier about 3 feet in height. Flat Mouth was laid in the place of honor at the south side of the eastern entrance. A medicine pole was erected in the center of the lodge about 20 feet from the eastern entrance, and between this pole and the entrance were located a fire, and a kettle in which a dog was cooked.
The ceremony was given according to the fourth degree, which was the degree held by Flat Mouth. The decoration of the pole cor- responded to this degree.
In the morning six members of the medicine party entered the lodge, one of whom sang; he was evidently in charge of this part of the ceremony. The songs were unaccompanied, the rattle being used by him while marching and while " treating" Flat Mouth. The rattle was similar to that shown in plates 1 and 2.
After each song the leader led a procession around the lodge, shak- ing his rattle and ejaculating Wa hi hi hi hi', Wa hi hi hi hi'. Behind him came a woman with food in a pan, then a man with a rattle, then a woman, then a man and a woman, each with food in a pan. After circling the lodge several times the party stopped at the eastern entrance and the leader made a speech, to which the others frequently answered ho'. Then the leader walked before Flat Mouth, shaking his rattle at arms, limbs, and body with ejaculations of ho ho ho'.
This continued during the morning.
In the afternoon Flat Mouth was laid upon a bed of boughs in the center of the lodge, west of the medicine pole. At this time the ceremony proper took place, under the direction of Ge'miwunac', while Na'joi'se continued to act as herald and another member of the party took charge of the cooking of the dog.
densmoek]
CHIPPEWA MUSIC 53
The members of the medicine party were in the center of the lodge, the relatives and friends of Flat Mouth being seated along the sides of the inclosure. At the opening of the ceremony Flat Mouth was carried several times around the inclosure on his green blanket and laid gently upon the bed of boughs.
Then a man from Pine Point said he wished to brew a medicine of his own for Flat Mouth. He told of the virtue of this medi- cine and said that it might not cure Flat Mouth but he believed that it would make him more comfortable. He said that the secret of this medicine was given him in a dream as a boy; that the prin- cipal ingredient was part of a large animal which he saw in his dream, and that he always carried this ingredient in his medicine bag.
The consent of Flat Mouth being secured, the man proceeded to brew the medicine. As he did this, he gave the ya a hi', a hi, a hi, hi hi hi hi, so frequently heard in the Mide'. He was joined by another voice, beginning about a fourth higher and sliding down to a unison. When the brewing of the medicine was completed Na'joi'se took ' the steaming cup and carried it five times around the old chief; then he gave the cup to Flat Mouth, who drank the medicine.
This was followed by a ''prayer to the medicine pole," interrupted by frequent ejaculations of he he he.
Then the feast was served. This consisted of the cooked dog, with the broth. It was required that all of this be eaten in the lodge. There were also bread and wild rice, portions of which were carried away by the guests at the close of the ceremony.
Each member of the medicine party carried a medicine bag, cor- responding to his degree in the Mide'wiwin. The members now stood in a circle around the chief and each in turn sang a song, after which they marched once around the inclosure. The first few songs were without accompaniment, while the others were accompanied softly by the Mide' drum. There was a marked individuality in the songs, suggesting that each person may have been singing his special medicine song. Next the members of the party, each chewing his own medi- cine, marched around the dying chief, and spit into a box of sawdust at his feet. A man then stirred this mixture, which was rubbed on the soles of Flat Mouth's feet. Each member also laid a pinch of it on his body.
Following this, each of the medicine party sang a song and marched around the chief, "shooting" his medicine bag at him.
Then all marched around the chief, carrying Mide' shells in their left hands. Each person laid one shell on the chief's body in pass- ing, and after circling his body took up the shell again. These shells were similar to the mi'gis mentioned on page 48.
By this time the old chief was failing so rapidly that it was deemed advisable to carry him into his wigwam. This was done, the men
54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 45
bearing him gently on his green blanket. Then they sang in his lodge. Instead of the Mide' drum they used the sharp, thin, doctor's drum and two rattles. The songs were different from those previously used, and of a melancholy cadence, the interval of the sixth being flatted.
Two hours later Flat Mouth died, his death being announced by twenty rifle shots. This is the custom of the tribe, a few shots announcing the death of a child and a larger number that of an adult. As is customary with the tribe, the body was immediately arrayed in the best apparel and ornaments of the deceased; beside it were laid his pipe, fan, and rifle, also a cushion with a woven cover. In the early evening the ceremony was concluded briefly, as few had the heart to dance. Flat Mouth's widow sat next the eastern en- trance, where he had lain that morning, and the dancers "shot" their medicine bags at her as they passed. The chief's sister held a Mide' shell in her hand and frequently extended it toward Flat Mouth's widow, who breathed on it, whereupon the sister danced again around the drum.
The Mide' drum used on this occasion was decorated in black, with a border at the base consisting of a broad band and four deep points. This was said to represent the pointed top of the Mide/ inclosure. Above this was the recumbent figure of an animal similar to that shown in the drawing of song no. 94 (catalogue no. 1). The top of this drum was of tanned deerskin, held tightly in place by a hoop wound with cloth. The singers stood and held the drum by the corners of the leather which formed the top. Occasionally the widow of Flat Mouth rose and, taking hold of a corner of the leather, stood silently and sadly beside the singers a few moments. There were usually four singers at the drum, one after another acting as leader; each pounded on the drum. One or two rattles were also used.
At the close of the dance the medicine party went to their respec- tive lodges, each carrying a bundle of small gifts. All that night the sound of the Mide' drum and the monotonous singing were heard.
The next morning the Mide'wini'ni conducted what corresponded to a funeral ceremony. The lodge was tightly closed, but the voices could be plainly heard. The leaders were rehearsing the beliefs of the Mide' and assuring the family of Flat Mouth of their reality. Then they addressed the spirit of the dead chief, as it is believed that the spirit lingers near the body until burial. One after another they sat beside him, telling him to be careful to avoid certain turns in the road to the Spirit Land, or to trust certain spirits who would meet and assist him. They spoke with extreme rapidity, punctuating the words with occasional sharp beats on the drum.
DE'BWAWEN'DUNK
jsmoee]
CHIPPEWA MUSIC 55
At the conclusion of this ceremony the writer was permitted to pho- nograph the dead chief. (See pi. 7.) On entering the lodge, the medi- cine party were found eating the funeral feast, which consisted of fruit, cakes, bread, and rice. The body of Hat .Mouth was concealed by a curtain of white cloth. When the feast was concluded several photo- graphs of the dead chief were taken, the upper coverings <>f the wig- wam being removed to admit the light. Immediately afterward the body was lifted on its green blanket and laid in the casket, which was the best that could be purchased at the neighboring town. Beside it, in the casket, were placed the fan, pipe, war bonnet, and cushion. The fan consisted of an eagle wing decorated wTith dots of red in a design which belonged especially to Flat Mouth, being used by him alone. The cover of the cushion was a bag woven of yarns. This weaving of a bag without a seam is becoming a lost art among the Minnesota Chippewa.
A long procession followed the body of Flat Mouth to the "heathen cemetery," a village of low wooden shelters above the graves. There was no ceremony of any kind when the casket was lowered . The grave was dug very large and almost circular in shape. Visiting the spot a few months later, the writer found that a pointed wooden house had been erected over the grave, according to the custom of the Chippewa. The name Nigan'Ibmes' was painted on a narrow board placed on the peak of the roof, and beside the grave floated an American flag.
Songs for Initiation into the Sixth Degree
Sung by De'bwawenVjxk
The songs of an initiation ceremony differ with the degree which the person assumes, each degree having its special songs. The fol- lowing songs given by De'bwawen'dunk0 (pi. 8) are those used when initiating a member into the sixth degree.
Before singing the first song De'bwawTen'dunk made a short speech in Chippewa, speaking to the four Mlde' manido', explaining that he was not going about the city belittling their religion, and begging that they be not offended because circumstances made it impossible for him to smoke the customary pipe before singing. This speech was recorded by the phonograph.
The singer stated that if these songs are to be sung in private or at a small gathering the men lay down their medicine bags, as they are to "sing to the bags." The man who is to sing the first song fills his pipe and smokes it; then he calls on the four Mlde' manido', who live in the four ''layers" beneath the earth. One song is sung by each man.
a An old man from the Bois Fort reservation, a most devout adherent of the Mlde'. These songs were recorded at Washington, D. C, whither De'bwawen'dunk had come with an interpreter on business connected with tribal affairs. The translations were given by his interpreter, Rev. Frank H. Pequette.
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No. 16. First Song (Catalogue no. 122)
Voice J — 144 Drum J =144
( Drum-rhythm similar to No. 1 ) -#- -•- -•- -•-. -•-•
S3
=u3EE
a
-0- .0.
Dji-ca- wa - he - ni - mi - hi - gog ho ho ho ho ho
^m&m&^m^^^^m
ni - hi - kSr-h&n e he he
dji-ca - we-Ae-ni-mWu-gog ho ho
e-na-we-Ae- bi-wug hi go
ho
ni - hi -ka-han e he he
^=F
r=F
IHH
4=n
*— *— *
--
« #
mum:
*-*-*-
Ao ho ni-kan
e /«e Ae
e - na - we - he-ni - bi-wug e he
m^
ES3E^S&E=EBBE^iEEEEE^H
IS
-f^
ni-kan e he he di-bi-sko-Ao-ka-mi - is
e he he e he he
m^^^M^mm
ni-Zu-ka-kane fte Tie
ga-ca
we - 11 1- mi-wfi-fisr e he he
S
Djicawa'nTmigog I am blessed
Nikan'ug My MioV brethren
Di/bicoka/mIg By the four Mide/ spirits
Ena'biwilg' Who live in the four layers
Ga'cawe'nimlwug' Of the earth
Analysis. — This song abounds in the inter- polated syllables which characterize the Mkle' songs. The measure lengths are irregular and their succession appears erratic. However, two records of the song were made, an interval of about a week elapsing between the making of them; on comparison it is found that the rec- ords are identical in every respect, except that in the measure marked X the second rendition shows the syllables ho ho on the second count. This change is very slight, but as it is the only one which occurs, it is
Song picture no. 16. The singer gave the following ex- planation of this drawing: "The circle is the earth. These three people live in the fourth layer under the earth; from there they sing. This is a sixth degree song and so the people who sing it live in the fourth layer under the earth."
CHTPPEWA MUSIC
57
worthy of mention. In this as in other Mide' songs the pulse is not mechanically regular and the same variations are found in the second as in the first rendition. This variation usually consists in a very slight prolonging of the accented tones. This song and the succeed- ing song contain syncopations, which are extremely rare in the Chip- pewa songs.
No. 17. Second Song (Catalogue no. 123)
Voice J .— 72
Drum J= 126
(Drum-rhythm similar to No. 1 )
£-" f~ .~F~ P. 0 rS> •— !-• • •— 1— ^ —0-
Wen-dji - mo - ki - yan e
r^ — • — •-
e e wen-dji - mo -
ho - ki - yan
e he he wen-dji- mo -ki-yan e he he wen- dji-mo - ho- ho -ki-yan
^P-a— •- — •— •- i-f — • — »
f-r~r -n — ^f=^=4
^r=E
Tie Ae . wen-dji -mo- ki - yan e /te Tie wen-dji - mo - ho
ho - ki - yan e na-wo-kuin-i-gan a ge he he wen - dji
m^mmmm^m^mtm
Nawo'kumigan' In the center of the earth
W'fi/djimo'kiyan' Whence I come
This and the remaining songs of the set were recorded a few days later than the first song. At this time tobacco had been provided, which the old chief smoked in silence. When he was ready, he seated himself before the phonograph and again made a speech, translated as follows:
I am not doing this for the sake of curiosity, but I have smoked a pipe to the Mide' manido' from whom these songs came, and I ask them not to be offended with me for singing these songs which belong to them.
Analysis. — This song is of unusually small com- pass, and it is interesting to note the drop of a minor third to D with a return to the tonic F. This is rare in the Chippewa songs recorded, but has been noted in other primitive music. In this song the metric unit is the measure, the pulses of the parts of the measure being less uniform and regular. The song closely resembles a chant.
Song picture no. 17. The "center of the earth" is plainly indi- cated in the drawing.
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BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[bull. 45
No. 18. Third Song
Voice J — 96 Drum J =152 ( Drum-rhythm similar to No. 1)
(Catalogue no. 124)
Nin - go - ho - sa ha ha run -go - ho - sa nin - go - ho
sa ha ha nin -go- ho - sa nin
ho - sa nin - go- sa nin- go -
Pr^-^^^M^^^^
-sa nin-go-sa nin-go-sa nin-go-sa ni - gi
WORDS
Ningo/sa I am afraid of
Nikan' My Mide' brother
Nigiwam'm In my lodge
E'bld Who dwells
Analysis. — The chief musical interest of this song lies in the fact that the first word is variously accented. We find the musical accent falling on each of the three syllables. In all Mlde' songs the words- are subordinate to the music, a peculiarity which is well illustrated in this instance. The beginning of the song on the -^—-T \ unaccented portion of the measure is somewhat
unusual.
The remaining songs of the series are given in out- line instead of full transcription. This shows the trend of the melody, but does not indicate either the rhythm or note values. The metronome indication which precedes the songs has no reference to the sym- bol as written, its only purpose being to show the metric unit of the voice and of the drum, for the pur- pose of comparison.
The beat of the drum is almost uniform through- out the series, being in unaccented strokes, two of which are equiva- lent to the metronome beat 126 or 132. Thus by metronome test there are approximately four pulses of the drum to one of the voice, but this correspondence is not evident to the ear. The relation between the two is not accurate, for the rhythm of the voice varies, while the drum does not vary, being entirely independent of the voice.
Song ticture no. 18. The Mlde' lodge and the person to be ini- tiated are shown.
DENSMOBE]
CHIPPEWA MUSIC
59
The words of the songs are continually broken and separated by the syllables hi hi hi, which occur even more frequently than in the initiation songs of the lower degrees.
Only two of these songs are of minor tonality. One of these, no. 1 9, is interesting in that the singer began the last half slightly too high, thus changing the key from C minor to C sharp minor. The relations of the tones in the last half are well sustained.
In this series we find three songs containing the tones of the major triad with the sixth added, two instances of the octave complete except the seventh, one instance of the octave complete except the second and seventh, one instance of the octave complete except the fourth and seventh, and two songs of minor tonality.
Musically, the chief value, of these songs lies in the relation of voice and drum and in the peculiar ending of the songs. Compare these songs in this respect with the melody outline of songs nos. 25-34. It will be readily seen that the latter have a much stronger feeling for a definite close either on the tonic or with the tones of the tonic chord. An indefinite manner of closing a song may be considered character- istic of a primitive stage of musical culture.
No. 19. Fourth Song
(Catalogue no. 125)
Voice without perceptible metric unit Drum 1— 126
;§S
^
•=ZJF
as
§•
II
WORDS
Awe'nen -- - - Who is this
De'wene' Sick unto death
Bema'djhlg' Whom I restore to life
The words of this song refer to the person who is being initiated. Many sick persons are initiated in order that they may be restored to health. The Mide' com- prehends health of body, mind and spirit in one general idea. It is supposed to benefit the individual as a whole and the lines of demarcation between his various needs are not sharply drawn.
SONC, PICTURE
no. 19. On the body of the person to be initiated are seen lines represent- i n g the "strength" he is to re- ceive through the Mide'.
60
BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOdV [bull. 45
No. 20. Fifth Song (Catalogue no. 126)
Voice
Drum J— 132
( Drum-rhythm similar to No. 1 )
Song picture no. 20. This is the only drawing of a pipe which occurs in connection with these songs.
WORDS
Niwi/dubima/ I am sitting
Nai'iid In the fourth lodge
Opwa'gun With my pipe
The meaning of the word translated " lodge" is not clearly defined. It refers to a progression in the Mule/, a similar idea occurring in songs.
No. 21. Sixth Song
(Catalogue no. 127
Voice gj — 60 Drum J= 132 ( Drum-rhythm similar to No. 1 )
mil
mw
m
Ni'jawen'imigog' They have taken pity on me
Gawa/bikwe/dj!g The white-haired ones
It is said to be the white-haired Mide' spirits who enable the members of the Mide'wiwln to attain long life.
The chief purpose of the Mkle' is the securing of health and long life to its adherents. Combined with the assurances of its power to confer these benefits are strict injunctions concerning rectitude, obedience to its instructions, and temperance. These qualities doubt- less united to produce the promised results.
Song picture no. 21. This drawing undoubtedlyrep- resentsone of the " white-haired Mide' spirits."
5NSM0EE]
CHIPPEWA MUSIC
No. 22. Seventh Song
Voice J = 60 Drum J =132 ( Drum-rhythm similar to No. 1 )
. 61
(Catalogue no. 128)
WORDS
Wewe'ni Diligently
Bizin'dau Listen thou
Kaiya'gigido'djig To those who speak
No. 23. Eighth Song
Song picture no. 22. He who speaks and he who listens are shown.
(Catalogue no. 129)
Voice J = 60 Drum J =132 ( Drum-rhythm similar to No. 1 )
11$=====
M
WORDS
Ge'ga • Almost
Bizrnda'gonan' He will listen to ue
Manido/ Manido/
Song picture no. 23. This outline is frequently used to repre-
(CompareTrtw- Analysis. — This song comprises the compass of an ings of songs nos. octave, extending from the dominant above to the 16, 94, and 95.) dominant below the tonic. The melody is based on the tonic triad with the sixth" added, and, as frequently occurs in these songs, the entrance of the tonic is delayed. More of the recorded Chippewa songs begin on the twelfth or fifth than on any other tone and the first interval of descent is frequently a minor third. This is repeated several times and is followed by the descent of a major third, which completes the major triad and introduces the tonic.
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No. 24. Ninth Song
(Catalogue no. 130)
Voice ^ -_ 60
Drum J =132
( Drum-rhythm similar to No. 1 )
gt
Ca'cabondeckwa'gwan
Manidog'
Bi/tawaka/mig
A/bidjig/
They are going through all the Rooms of the Mlde' lodge, it appears The Mide/ spirits, who live In the four layers of the earth
Song picture no. l'4. The subject recurs to that of the first song in the series and the circle is again shown, with one of "the people who live in the fourth layer under the earth."
Ceremonial Songs
Sung by Na'jobi'tun"
The following twenty-six songs consist of four series, each having its own type of music and its distinct character of words. The first series may be sung at the close of a ceremony ; the others are connected with the initiation of members. The music is the most primitive which the writer re- corded, with the possible exception of the songs given by De'bwa- wen'dunk of the Bois Fort reservation.
SERIES 1 — ANALYSIS
Musically, the songs in the first series are very similar, yet no two are exactly alike. The songs were sung firmly and without hesitation, showing that they were not improvised. Before singing a song Na'jobi't tin sometimes retired to the next room in order quietly to hum over the song and to be sure that he remembered it correctly. Many of the songs were sung several times, the renditions being identical, except occasionally in unimportant measures near the close.
The words of the first series relate to the water-spirit — his dwell- ing, his action, and his manifestation as a male beaver. Mention is made of the mermen. It is believed that manido' in the form of both mermen and mermaids live in the water and at times appeal' to the members of the Mide'wiwm.
Song no. 33 furnishes an interesting example of the difficulties encountered in securing translations of these songs. The first inter- preter said the last words meant "] will gather it in the place of
a An old man living at Boy Lake, a portion of the Leech Lake reservation about 30 miles from the agency, reached only by water. Na'jobi'tun (" two men walking") was almost blind and was in every way the most isolated individual with whom the writer came in contact. He was a firm believer in the Mlde'wlwln and its power.
CHIPPEWA MUSIC
63
a circle;" later, another interpreter gave as the meaning" a place where the water moved in a circle;" the place was finally iden- tified as a portion of Lake St. Clair where the water is said to form eddies or small circles. This suggests that the song may have come from Walpole island, where many Canadian Chippewa make their home, or from some other group of Chippewa in that vicinity. In this case it is reasonable to assume that the "long rapids" referred to in no. 25 are the rapids at Sault Ste. Marie.
These songs are not fully transcribed, only the outline of the melody being given. This takes no account of rhythm or note values, but shows the melodic trend of the song more clearly than a full transcription. The songs contain frequent interpolations of hi hi hi hi; the syllables of the words are repeated; and in many instances the songs resemble chants.
The musical material of many of these songs consists of the major triad with the sixth added, yet the principal interval is the descending minor third. The descent of the minor third characterizes the most primitive music, and the five-toned scale characterizes music which may be termed semideveloped. The major triad with the sixth added is the five-toned scale lacking the second, and in songs nos. 28, 30, and 33 of the present series we find this tone present as a passing tone, thus completing the tone material of the five-toned scale.
In all these songs, except no. 20, the feeling of the tonic chord is very strong. The ending of no. 20, as written, suggests a transition to the relative minor, but as sung it gives us the impression that the song is suddenly left in midair. Yet the ending was conclusive, followed by the customary ho ho ho ho. The accidentals in songs nos. 26 and 27 were firmly given, but seem intended as an ornamenta- tion rather than suggesting modulation.
No. 25
(Catalogue no. 16)
gifeS
m
aas
M
WORDS
Keno'djiwanuiV At the long rapids
Nimadwe'nadomi'go.. .1 j am caUe(J t(, gQ iu
TVi< il)in/digean/ J
Nikan'ug , . r T My Mide' brethren
Song I'ictuiie no. 25.
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 45
No. 26
0 i?i
(Catalogue no. 17)
_b. .
glE^E=EE^
^H
™ ^X/A.
Song picture no. 26.
Kiga/winanan/doniigog/ We may call upon you for
assistance
Kikan'ug We, your Mkle' brethren
Miziwe'mide'wiig Assembled from every- where
No. 27
(Catalogue no. 18)
J?. b.
3
m
Daya'wengumi'
Daona/gumi/
Daonun/gumi/
Geundjima'mwekiyan.
m=^^^EE?E=i:
[Free translation] When the waters are calm and the fog rises, I will now and then appear
No. 28
Song picture no. 27. The circle represents the sky, which is overcast with drops of moisture; emerg- ing from this is the face of the manido'. (Compare drawing of song no. 97.)
(Catalogue no. 19)
wm
WORDS
Kigacob'unde' You Vv ill pass through
Endad' The dwelling of
Manido' The water spirit
Nikan' My Mide' brethren
Song picture no. 28. The Mkle' lodge and the per- son being initiated are shown.
densmouk]
CHIPPEWA MUSIC No. 29
65
(Catalogue no. 20)
m
^^n
Babidiwe'wedjiwan' The sound of flowing waters
Enda'yan Comes toward my home
When this is sung the members of the Mlde'- wlwm rise and dance during the remainder of the series of songs, the change being indicated by a line across the strip of birch bark, between the song pictures.
No. 30
s
Song picture no. 29. A pojnted tipi represents the home of the MJde'- wlnl'ni. It is interest- ing to note that the wavy lines indicating the pulsating sound reach the body or heart of the man, not his ears.
(Catalogue no. 21)
m^
Song picture no. 30. Reference to song no. 34 shows that the speaker is a beaver. This drawing represents his appearance above the water; also one of the " men of the deep."
Kayenin'moki'yan .. When I appear Mamweka'dogowug'. The men of the deep Memegwa'siwug' Will be cast up by seething waters
No. 31
(Catalogue no. 22)
gas
m.
Memweka'bogowiig'.. They are being east up by seething
waters Wabimi'giswug' The white MIde' shells
Song picture no. 31. On the crest of the waves appear the mi'gls, or white MIde' shells.
12692°— Bull. 45—10-
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 45
No. 32 (Catalogue no. 23)
C • _ « =_ , -
* — •
^0
Dabima'mwekiwug'.. Now and then there will arise out of the waters
N ikan'ug My Mlde' brethren
Nigigwug7 The otters
Song picture no. 32. The circle represents a lake
from which two otters rise.
No. 33
(Catalogue no. 24)
WORKS
Beba/mamoyan/ I am gathering
Wananan'dawioyan' .. That with which
Wawiya'tamiing' I will treat myself
Geiindina'man In the Lake of Eddying
Waters, I will obtain it
Song picture no. 33. In his hand (he man holds some substance gathered from the lake, which is believed to have medicinal properties.
No. 34 (Catalogue no. 25)
WORDS
Kegef A'erily
Nimanidon/ I am a spirit
Muki'yan To be able to become visible
Nabe'mikowiyan' I that am a male beaver
SERIES 2 — ANALYSIS
The second series consists of songs used at the initiation of members in the Mide' wTwm. In songs nos. 35, 38, and 40 the initiators speak; in nos. 36, 37, and 42 the person to be initiated speaks ; and nos. 39 and 41 appear to be the words of a manido'
sax
^
Song picture no. 34. A beaver is seen rising from the water.
CHIPPEWA MUSIC
67
represented by or existent in the leading man's medicine pouch. The mention of metal in nos. 37 and 42, as well as the mention of the high hill in no. 39, would indicate that the song had been used in a part of the country where minerals and mountains were familiar to the people.
These songs show somewhat better musical material than those in the first series. Two of the songs are on the fourth five-toned scale, five contain the tones of the major triad with the added sixth, thus presenting the partially formed five-toned scale mentioned in the analysis of the first series, while no. 36 contains only the tones of the minor triad.
Song no. 39 of this series is of more than usual interest and is tran- scribed in full.
No. 35 (Catalogue no. 26)
mm
Kigawa'bamag You shall now behold
MidVwidjig They of the Mide'
No. 36
Song picture no. 35. This draw- ing shows the MIde'wIgan, the medicine pole, the stone, and the assembled members of the Mide'- wlwln. The candidate for initia- tion sees and hears the ceremony mentally before entering the lodge. Note the eyes and the ear of the candidate.
(Catalogue no. 27)
S*£
Song picture no. 3 6. The two figures are ex- actly alike, the heart being shown and the straight lines indicating "strength." Thus the candi- date assures him- self that he will receive all the benefits enjoyed by other mem- bers of the MI- de'wlwln.
WORDS
Na Listen
Mlgaye'nin I shall also be blessed
Minawin' And my life prolonged
En'dayan' Like
Mide'wag : Those of the Mide'
Endiwad' Whom I now behold
The candidate for initiation is assured of the bene- fits which he will derive from the Mkle'. This assur- ance is often needed as the candidate regards the initiation as a difficult ordeal. He has a part which must be properly performed, in which he has been instructed by the initiators.
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 45
No. 37 (Catalogue no. 28)
B-i
^s^mm^^^m
Song picture no. 37. In this drawing both straight and wavy lines diverge from the figure. The wavy lines are said to indicate "the song" and the straight lines to indicate "strength."
WORDS
Mi'nawina' Is it that
Ain'nweyan' Which my voice resembles?
Biwa'blkun Even metal
Ain'weyan' The sounding of my voice?
No. 38
(Catalogue no. 29)
mm
Anindi' Where is
Abigwen' The dwelling
Manido' Of the greatest spirit?
Nikan' My Mide/ brethren
WabunaiV In the east
Abigwen' Is the dwelling
Manido' Of the greatest spirit
Nikan' My Mlde' brethren
Mioma' Here
Abigwen' Is my dwelling
Manido/wiyan/ I who am the greatest spirit
SONG PICTURE NO.
38. It was stated that the horizon- tal figure and head represented the East man- ido' and that the upright fig- ure and head represented the South manido'.
This record was played for Na'waji'bigo'kwe, a mem- ber of the MJde'wIwm, who drew the pictures for these series of songs; she said that this is a new form of an old song, and that the younger men of to-day are arrogant enough to use it, but that the old and correct form of the song gives the last two words as follows :
CawamnV Toward the east
Abigwen' Is his dwelling
CHIPPEWA MUSIC
No. 39
69
(Catalogue no. 30)
Voice J . — 69 Recorded without drum
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nwe,-wl-da - rna - an wa-djl-wln ye en-da-nwe-wl-da - ma - an
Wadjlwing/ From beneath the high
hill
En'danwewulaman' My voice echoes forth
Song picture no. 39.
Dancing begins with this song and continues during in this drawing the the remainder of the series. JJ* represents a
No. 40
(Catalogue no. 31)
WA
Song picture no. 40. In this drawing the circle represents the earth; note the interrup- tion of the circle at the lower edge.
WORDS
Anawl'na •> I will cause it to ap-
Nimo'kiwina' j pear
Tibickoka'mig That which is beneath
the earth Ebicrwen'
Anawi'na . . . Nimo'klnina'
Although I bring it up to light
70
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 45
No. 41 (Catalogue no. 32)
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Song picture no. 41. In this drawing the circle represents the sky; note the interrup- tion at the upper edge. Men- tion of a bird occurs with spe- cial frequency in songs of the second, third, and fourth de-
WORDS
Nlpo'niyan' I am about to alight
Tciwa'bamiyau' That you may see me
Tiblc'koka'mig Upon the level
ground
Tciwa/baniiyau/ That you may see me
Nipo'niyau7 I am about to alight
Tclwa'baniiyau' That you may see me
No. 42
(Catalogue no. 33)
Wabik' The strength of metal
Owlbiyan' Has entered into my
arrow point
Manido' A spirit
Ninda'nisa' I could kill
Wabik' The strength of iron
Owiblyan' Has entered into my
arrow point
SERIES 3 ANALYSIS
Song picture no. 42. A bear and an otter are represented in this drawing.
The words of the third series are characterized by very strong affirmation of the power and beauty of the Mide' religion. In this series the affirmative used is man' dan, which is the customary word among the Canadian Chippewa, the affirmation used by the Minnesota Chippewa being Tcegef, or gegetf. This suggests a Canadian origin for the songs.
The translation of no. 50 was the subject of much discussion by the interpreters and members of the Mide'wiwm, as the words contain the idea of a year and also the idea of indefinite continuity. It may be best explained as meaning that the power of the inspiration is indefinite, but that it is expected that members will reassemble at the end of a year for the purpose of strengthening and confirming their faith.
imore]
chippkwa ^r i^sic1
Musically, this series presents interesting material. The first two ongs are on the second five^toned scale.
The tonality of no. 45 is of unusual interest.
Songs nos. 46 and 47 show the octave complete except the seventh, while nos. 48, 49, and .50 show the incomplete five-toned scale men- tioned in the analysis of the first series. The principal interest centers in the first three songs of the series.
WORDS
Anawi'na Although
Manido/ He is a spirit
Nikai/iig My Mide/ brethren
Tcimaya'wln inV I will raise him up
No. 44
Song picture no. 43. The Mlde'wlnl'nl holds in his hand an otter, repre- senting his MIde' bag.
(( !atalogue no. 35)
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[Free translation]
Song picture no. 44. Awineei'cfe 1
In the center of the * I Beautiful as a star hanging in
MIde'wigan are two S° e - - - the & [g om Mlde/ jod
poles, suggesting that Naawind' J
two persons are to be initiated. Above the
S'e "of IheX6 The words of this sonS are idiomatic and a trans-
(Compare drawings lation was secured with difficulty. The song was of songs nos. 2 and recorded at Leech Lake> where tw0 interpreters
worked on it. Later the phonograph record was played for Na'waji'bigo'kwe, at White Earth. She drew the song picture and this translation was finally decided on as giving the essential idea of the song.
72
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 45
No. 45 (Catalogue no. 36)
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Song picture no. 45. The man holds in his hand a mi'gls, or white MIde' shell, its power being in- dicated by the raanido' rising from it.
WORDS
[Free translation]
Niwawa'gawia I have gained such spirit-power
that I can tame it in my hand
Man'dan It is true
Gibinan' Even our white shell
Niwawa'gawia' I can tame it in my hand
No. 46
(Catalogue no. 37)
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Gi'dg
Wi'kanlna'. . . Manidowan'. ..
Nin'a
Wen'dabiyan'.
[Free translation]
The sky is clear where one brother in the Mide' is si 1 1 ing
Song picture no. 40. The several circles represent the several skies which are supposed to exist, one above another. In one of these the MIde' brother is seen to be sitting, while beside him are the moon and the stars.